Table 2 Theoretical propositions and... | Emerald Publishing

Table 2

Theoretical propositions and selected illustrative quotations

Aggregate dimension	Second-order themes	Theoretical proposition (Emergent insight)	Selected illustrative quotations (with fictitious names)
1. Structural determinants of food purchasing behaviour	1.1. Household structure conditions for food decision-making	Food purchasing is not purely individual but is shaped by living arrangements. Also, whether students are working or not significantly affects how they make food choices. These arrangements significantly shape the time and resources students can devote to food purchasing	“When I lived with my parents, they decided most things, but I could ask for something if I really wanted it.” (Giulia, Italy) “Now I live with my boyfriend; we decide together what to eat and what to buy.” (Clara, Italy)
	1.2. Convenience-driven purchasing routines	Proximity to retailers, delivery options, and time constraints lead young consumers to prioritise convenience over other values, showing that logistical factors can overrule intentions related to health or sustainability	“I buy at the closest supermarket, and when I lived abroad, I bought online because it was easier.” (Giulia, Italy) “Sometimes we just order delivery because it's faster than cooking, especially during exams.” (Lerato, South Africa)
	1.3. Information-based vs. trust-based decisions	Some students rely on labels and product information to evaluate food, while others rely on trust in family buyers or familiar brands, indicating that informational processing is often replaced by relational trust in everyday purchasing	“We always read labels, especially for proteins and sugars.” (David, Italy) “I don't check labels. I trust what my parents buy and what we've always eaten.” (Amina, Pakistan)
	1.4. Constraints shaping dietary choices	Budgetary limits, seasonality, and store or cafeteria availability restrict the range of possible choices, revealing that many “preferences” are in fact adaptations to structural constraints	“We don't always buy dairy because it depends on how much money we have that month.” (Lerato, South Africa) “I choose fruit or vegetables depending on the offers in the supermarket.” (Marco, Italy)
	1.5. Value conflicts in purchasing	Young consumers experience tension among health, pleasure, price, sustainability, and cultural attachment; they resolve these conflicts situationally, activating different values depending on context rather than following a single, stable hierarchy	“I buy organic products when I can, but sometimes they are too expensive.” (David, Italy) “Healthy food is good, but if I'm stressed, price and taste matter more.” (Elena, North Macedonia)
2. Culturally-embedded food values	2.1. National and regional normative models	Students compare home and host-country food environments and norms, using these comparisons to judge quality, safety, and appropriateness, which indicates that national and regional models operate as reference frames for evaluating food practices	“I know which foods are typical of my region, and I prefer buying those because they feel more real.” (Chiara, Italy) “In my country, we eat what is grown locally, so it feels wrong to buy imported things.” (Mpho, Lesotho)
2. Culturally-embedded food values	2.2. Familial and religious sources of food values	Family habits and religious rules provide strong normative anchors (e.g. permitted foods, celebration dishes, forbidden items), showing that food values are often internalised through early socialisation rather than formed individually	“We follow what my family has always eaten; traditions are more important than labels.” (Amina, Karachi, Pakistan) “At home, we respect religious rules, so some foods are never bought, no matter the price or origin.” (Lerato, South Africa)
3. Eating habits	3.1. Nutritional objectives	Students aim at “adequate and balanced” diets, but these objectives are shaped by family models, medical advice, intensity of physical activity, and lay understandings of health, indicating that nutritional goals are socially learned rather than purely knowledge-based	“I avoid red meat; I only eat it once a week because it feels healthier.” (Chiara, Milan, Italy) “I check nutrition facts because I'm afraid of eating too many carbs and fats.” (Elena, North Macedonia)
	3.2. Hedonic motivations	Eating and drinking frequently serve hedonic purposes (self-oriented pleasure and socially driven enjoyment), positioning food as an affective reward and a source of comfort that can override health or environmental considerations	“Sometimes I buy junk food because I crave it.” (Lerato, South Africa) “Sometimes I order desserts even if I don't feel like eating them, because everyone shares desserts. It feels fun, and it's part of the experience.” (Sarah, USA)
	3.3. Perceptions and evaluation of food additives	Additives, added sugar, and processing are frequently framed as “toxic” or risky, so many participants adopt avoidance strategies driven more by perceived danger and naturalness ideals than by detailed scientific knowledge	“Processed food can cause health problems like heart attacks.” (Lerato, South Africa) “I try to stay away from added sugars; they do more damage than people think.” (Elena, North Macedonia)
	3.4. Health risks of food consumption	Participants recognise risks from both overeating and not eating enough, viewing food intake as a form of self-protection against illness or discomfort; this dual awareness frames eating as a defensive practice as much as a nutritional one	“Sometimes I eat only once a day because I don't have time, even though I know it's not healthy.” (Amina, Pakistan) “If food has too much fat, I avoid it because it feels dangerous for my health.” (Elena, North Macedonia)
	3.5. Socially shaped eating behaviour	In group settings, students adapt to others by accepting foods they would not choose on their own, adjusting quantities, and relaxing restrictions; this reveals that the need for belonging, politeness, and harmony can temporarily override individual dietary principles	“When I am with people from school or work, we usually go out to eat something, and it's not always what I would normally choose. Sometimes the place is chosen by others, and you just go along.” (Edgar, Mexico) “With my friends I change what I eat, even if it's not what I would normally choose.” (Mpho, Lesotho)
	3.6. Temporal eating patterns	The number and timing of meals are organised around school, work, sport, and religious schedules, showing that everyday rhythms are institutionally structured rather than guided solely by hunger or metabolic needs	“Breakfast at eight, lunch at two, dinner around nine or ten.” (Marco, Turin, Italy) “I don't eat before running, and I don't eat before going to bed.” (Elena, North Macedonia)
4. Selective engagement with health and environmental responsibility	4.1. Environmental behaviours	Environmentally oriented food behaviours (e.g. local, biodegradable, short-chains) are irregular and strongly conditioned by price and availability, indicating that structural conditions limit the translation of pro-environmental attitudes into consistent food practices	“I avoid plastic and choose biodegradable bags when I can.” (Giulia, Italy) “We reuse plastic containers because there's no biodegradable option here.” (Amina, Pakistan)
	4.2. Willingness to change	Willingness to modify eating habits is higher when benefits are clearly personal (health, body, energy) than when changes are justified mainly by environmental preservation, suggesting that agency is more easily mobilised around self-related outcomes	“I reduce meat because I want to feel healthier. I don't do it for the planet; I do it for my body.” (Amina, Pakistan) “I make changes when they help my health. Sustainability is important, but if the food is bad for me, I will not eat it even if it's greener.” (Lerato, South Africa)

Aggregate dimension	Second-order themes	Theoretical proposition (Emergent insight)	Selected illustrative quotations (with fictitious names)
1. Structural determinants of food purchasing behaviour	1.1. Household structure conditions for food decision-making	Food purchasing is not purely individual but is shaped by living arrangements. Also, whether students are working or not significantly affects how they make food choices. These arrangements significantly shape the time and resources students can devote to food purchasing	“When I lived with my parents, they decided most things, but I could ask for something if I really wanted it.” (Giulia, Italy)“Now I live with my boyfriend; we decide together what to eat and what to buy.” (Clara, Italy)
	1.2. Convenience-driven purchasing routines	Proximity to retailers, delivery options, and time constraints lead young consumers to prioritise convenience over other values, showing that logistical factors can overrule intentions related to health or sustainability	“I buy at the closest supermarket, and when I lived abroad, I bought online because it was easier.” (Giulia, Italy)“Sometimes we just order delivery because it's faster than cooking, especially during exams.” (Lerato, South Africa)
	1.3. Information-based vs. trust-based decisions	Some students rely on labels and product information to evaluate food, while others rely on trust in family buyers or familiar brands, indicating that informational processing is often replaced by relational trust in everyday purchasing	“We always read labels, especially for proteins and sugars.” (David, Italy)“I don't check labels. I trust what my parents buy and what we've always eaten.” (Amina, Pakistan)
	1.4. Constraints shaping dietary choices	Budgetary limits, seasonality, and store or cafeteria availability restrict the range of possible choices, revealing that many “preferences” are in fact adaptations to structural constraints	“We don't always buy dairy because it depends on how much money we have that month.” (Lerato, South Africa)“I choose fruit or vegetables depending on the offers in the supermarket.” (Marco, Italy)
	1.5. Value conflicts in purchasing	Young consumers experience tension among health, pleasure, price, sustainability, and cultural attachment; they resolve these conflicts situationally, activating different values depending on context rather than following a single, stable hierarchy	“I buy organic products when I can, but sometimes they are too expensive.” (David, Italy)“Healthy food is good, but if I'm stressed, price and taste matter more.” (Elena, North Macedonia)
2. Culturally-embedded food values	2.1. National and regional normative models	Students compare home and host-country food environments and norms, using these comparisons to judge quality, safety, and appropriateness, which indicates that national and regional models operate as reference frames for evaluating food practices	“I know which foods are typical of my region, and I prefer buying those because they feel more real.” (Chiara, Italy)“In my country, we eat what is grown locally, so it feels wrong to buy imported things.” (Mpho, Lesotho)
2. Culturally-embedded food values	2.2. Familial and religious sources of food values	Family habits and religious rules provide strong normative anchors (e.g. permitted foods, celebration dishes, forbidden items), showing that food values are often internalised through early socialisation rather than formed individually	“We follow what my family has always eaten; traditions are more important than labels.” (Amina, Karachi, Pakistan)“At home, we respect religious rules, so some foods are never bought, no matter the price or origin.” (Lerato, South Africa)
3. Eating habits	3.1. Nutritional objectives	Students aim at “adequate and balanced” diets, but these objectives are shaped by family models, medical advice, intensity of physical activity, and lay understandings of health, indicating that nutritional goals are socially learned rather than purely knowledge-based	“I avoid red meat; I only eat it once a week because it feels healthier.” (Chiara, Milan, Italy)“I check nutrition facts because I'm afraid of eating too many carbs and fats.” (Elena, North Macedonia)
	3.2. Hedonic motivations	Eating and drinking frequently serve hedonic purposes (self-oriented pleasure and socially driven enjoyment), positioning food as an affective reward and a source of comfort that can override health or environmental considerations	“Sometimes I buy junk food because I crave it.” (Lerato, South Africa)“Sometimes I order desserts even if I don't feel like eating them, because everyone shares desserts. It feels fun, and it's part of the experience.” (Sarah, USA)
	3.3. Perceptions and evaluation of food additives	Additives, added sugar, and processing are frequently framed as “toxic” or risky, so many participants adopt avoidance strategies driven more by perceived danger and naturalness ideals than by detailed scientific knowledge	“Processed food can cause health problems like heart attacks.” (Lerato, South Africa)“I try to stay away from added sugars; they do more damage than people think.” (Elena, North Macedonia)
	3.4. Health risks of food consumption	Participants recognise risks from both overeating and not eating enough, viewing food intake as a form of self-protection against illness or discomfort; this dual awareness frames eating as a defensive practice as much as a nutritional one	“Sometimes I eat only once a day because I don't have time, even though I know it's not healthy.” (Amina, Pakistan)“If food has too much fat, I avoid it because it feels dangerous for my health.” (Elena, North Macedonia)
	3.5. Socially shaped eating behaviour	In group settings, students adapt to others by accepting foods they would not choose on their own, adjusting quantities, and relaxing restrictions; this reveals that the need for belonging, politeness, and harmony can temporarily override individual dietary principles	“When I am with people from school or work, we usually go out to eat something, and it's not always what I would normally choose. Sometimes the place is chosen by others, and you just go along.” (Edgar, Mexico)“With my friends I change what I eat, even if it's not what I would normally choose.” (Mpho, Lesotho)
	3.6. Temporal eating patterns	The number and timing of meals are organised around school, work, sport, and religious schedules, showing that everyday rhythms are institutionally structured rather than guided solely by hunger or metabolic needs	“Breakfast at eight, lunch at two, dinner around nine or ten.” (Marco, Turin, Italy)“I don't eat before running, and I don't eat before going to bed.” (Elena, North Macedonia)
4. Selective engagement with health and environmental responsibility	4.1. Environmental behaviours	Environmentally oriented food behaviours (e.g. local, biodegradable, short-chains) are irregular and strongly conditioned by price and availability, indicating that structural conditions limit the translation of pro-environmental attitudes into consistent food practices	“I avoid plastic and choose biodegradable bags when I can.” (Giulia, Italy)“We reuse plastic containers because there's no biodegradable option here.” (Amina, Pakistan)
	4.2. Willingness to change	Willingness to modify eating habits is higher when benefits are clearly personal (health, body, energy) than when changes are justified mainly by environmental preservation, suggesting that agency is more easily mobilised around self-related outcomes	“I reduce meat because I want to feel healthier. I don't do it for the planet; I do it for my body.” (Amina, Pakistan)“I make changes when they help my health. Sustainability is important, but if the food is bad for me, I will not eat it even if it's greener.” (Lerato, South Africa)