Table 2 Emotions and self-control:... | Emerald Publishing

Table 2

Emotions and self-control: predictions for Sadness, Anxiety, Anger, Guilt, Happiness, and Pride

Emotion	Process 1	Process 2	Process 3	Process 4
	Because the gratifying option facilitates the hedonic need more than the virtuous option (GB1 > VB1), emotions that increase (decrease) the activation of the hedonic need decrease (increase) self-control	Because consumers generally believe that virtuous options better facilitate non-hedonic needs than gratifying options (i.e. GBn < VBn), emotions that increase (or decrease) the activation of non-hedonic needs should increase (or decrease) self-control	Decreasing the instrumentality of the gratifying option (i.e. decreasing GBn) or increasing the instrumentality of the virtuous option (i.e. increasing VBn) toward the hedonic need activated by the emotion should improve self-control	Increasing the instrumentality of the virtuous option (i.e. increasing VBn) or decreasing the instrumentality of the gratifying option (i.e. decreasing GBn) toward the non-hedonic need activated by the emotion should improve self-control
Sadness	Sadness activates a hedonic need because it is physiologically aversive (Tice and Bratslavsky, 2000) and is experienced after an unredeemable loss that triggers feelings of helplessness (Garg and Lerner, 2013) and a desire for reward replacement (Lerner et al., 2004). It also activates a non-hedonic need to avoid future reward losses (Salerno et al., 2014). However, since sadness evokes feelings of helplessness and reduced control (Garg and Lerner, 2013), the hedonic need takes precedence over the non-hedonic need (Tice et al., 2001; Tice and Bratslavsky, 2000). Consequently, prediction 1 is that sadness impairs self-control. Consistently, past research finds that sadness increases the desire to gratify, making consumers more likely to engage in retail therapy (Atalay and Meloy, 2011), consume unhealthy foods (Garg et al., 2007; Salerno et al., 2014) and choose smaller immediate financial incentives over larger delayed ones (Lerner et al., 2013)		Prediction 2 is that sadness increases self-control when consumers are made to believe that (a) gratifying behaviors offer less pleasure (i.e. reducing GBn) and (b) virtuous behaviors offer greater pleasure (i.e. increasing VBn). Consistently, research finds that when sad consumers believe gratification won't improve their mood – such as through a mood-freeze manipulation (Manucia et al., 1984) – they are less likely to consume unhealthy snacks, select small immediate rewards over large deferred ones, or engage in frivolous procrastination (Tice et al., 2001)	Prediction 3 is that self-control improves among sad consumers when they are reminded that a) virtuous behaviors help them prevent future reward losses (e.g. eating healthy prevents weight gain) (i.e. increasing VBn), and b) indulging increases future losses (i.e. decreasing GBn). Consistently, reminding consumers that consuming foods such as candies or cookies offers poor nutrition reduces their consumption (Salerno et al., 2014)
Anxiety	Consumers experience anxiety when they perceive a threat of an adverse event occurring in their future (Eysenck et al., 2007; Lazarus, 1991; Koley et al., 2025; Lerner and Keltner, 2001; Schmeichel and Inzlicht, 2013; Skinner and Brewer, 2002; Smith and Ellsworth, 1985). Anxiety, therefore, enhances vigilance toward perceived threats and activates a desire to avoid them (Eysenck et al., 2007; Koley et al., 2025; Lerner and Keltner, 2001; Raghunathan and Pham, 1999; Schmeichel and Inzlicht, 2013). This, however, depletes consumers' regulatory resources (Derakshan and Eysenck, 2009; Eysenck et al., 2007), increasing consumers' desire to seek relaxation and comfort in domains unrelated to the focal goal. Thus, prediction 4 is that anxiety generally impairs self-control by activating a hedonic need for relaxation. However, when virtuous behaviors directly serve to avert perceived threats – such as wearing masks to prevent illness or saving money to meet imminent bills – the non-hedonic need of threat avoidance takes priority, thereby allowing anxiety to enhance self-control		Prediction 5 is that anxiety increases self-control when consumers are made to believe that (a) gratifying behaviors aren’t relaxing (i.e. reducing GBn) and (b) virtuous behaviors offer greater relaxation (i.e. increasing VBn)	Because anxiety increases the need for threat avoidance, prediction 6 is that self-control improves among anxious consumers when they are reminded that a) virtuous behaviors help them avoid threats (e.g. brushing teeth to avoid oral diseases, eating healthier to avoid chronic illnesses) (i.e. increasing VBn), and b) indulgent behaviors enhance threats (i.e. decreasing GBn)
Anger	Anger signals that another person or organization is blocking the consumer’s progress toward a goal, but the goal remains achievable if the obstacle is cleared (Berkowitz and Harmon-Jones, 2004; Carver and Harmon-Jones, 2009; Clore and Centerbar, 2004). Thus, it activates the non-hedonic need for dominance and power to defeat the opponent (Koley and Warren, 2025). Anger is unlikely to activate a hedonic need because, unlike other negative emotions like fear, anxiety or sadness, anger isn’t aversive; while sadness, fear or anxiety prompt avoidance, anger prompts approach and action to confront the opponent (Carver and Harmon-Jones, 2009; Tamir et al., 2008). Hence, prediction 7 is that anger's activation of the dominance need may enhance self-control relative to no emotion, when consumers perceive virtuous behaviors as facilitating the dominance need. However, when consumers do not perceive virtuous behaviors as facilitating them, anger is unlikely to enhance self-control		Because neither anger nor guilt is expected to activate a hedonic need, we do not propose any process-3–based predictions for improvements in self-control for these emotions	By increasing a desire for dominance or power, prediction 8 is that self-control increases among angry consumers when they perceive that a) virtuous behaviors allow them to feel more dominant or powerful rather than to get alternate benefits (e.g. eating healthy or exercising to build muscles or improve strength rather than to prevent disease; saving to buy the biggest house on the block rather than for rainy days) (i.e. increasing VBn), and b) indulgent behaviors make them appear submissive or weak (e.g. impulsive spending increases financial dependence) (i.e. decreasing GBn). Consistently, research finds that angry consumers exert more self-control when it facilitates a dominance need than when it serves an unrelated need, such as security (Koley and Warren, 2025)
Guilt	Guilt arises when consumers perceive that they have fallen short of a self-standard, motivating them to acknowledge the wrongdoing and correct their behavior (Baumeister et al., 1994; Tangney et al., 2007). Unlike sadness (Garg and Lerner, 2013) or shame (Duhachek et al., 2012; Han et al., 2014), which are typically elicited when consumers feel helpless or unable to change their circumstances – and therefore promote mood-repair motivations (Garg and Lerner, 2013; Raghunathan and Pham, 1999) – guilt motivates corrective action and a desire for self-improvement (Allard and White, 2015; Lefebvre et al., 2019; Zemack-Rugar et al., 2007). As a result, guilt does not activate a hedonic need but instead elicits only a non-hedonic need for self-improvement (Allard and White, 2015). Accordingly, Prediction 9 proposes that guilt enhances self-control. Consistent with this prediction, prior research shows that guilt reduces the selection of sugary foods compared with sadness (Lefebvre et al., 2019)			By increasing the need for self-improvement, prediction 10 is that self-control increases among guilty consumers when they are reminded that a) virtuous behaviors offer opportunity for self-improvement (e.g. becoming healthier, acquiring new skills, etc.) (i.e. increasing VBn), and b) indulgent behaviors cause stagnation (i.e. decreasing GBn)
Happiness	Unlike negative moods, which are caused by impaired goal progress and trigger reparative behaviors, happiness signals adequate goal progress and encourages maintenance of current strategies and mood (Fishbach and Labroo, 2007). Consequently, when happy consumers are exposed to cues promoting mood maintenance (e.g. a statement "I want to enjoy the moment"), they seek immediate pleasure. In contrast, when they're exposed to cues promoting growth or self-improvement (e.g. a statement such as “Ambition is virtue”), happiness activates a non-hedonic need for self-improvement (Fishbach and Labroo, 2007). Hence, consistent with previous findings (Fishbach and Labroo, 2007), prediction 11 is that when the cues promoting hedonic needs are salient, happiness impairs self-control, while when cues promoting self-improvement are salient, happiness improves self-control		Prediction 12 posits that when cues promoting mood-maintenance are salient, self-control among happy consumers increases when they perceive (a) gratifying behaviors as less pleasurable (i.e. reducing GBn) and (b) virtuous behaviors as more pleasurable (i.e. increasing VBn). In contrast, when cues promoting self-improvement are salient, altering the instrumentalities of gratifying and virtuous behaviors toward the hedonic need does not affect self-control	Prediction 13 posits that when cues promoting self-improvement are salient, self-control increases among happy consumers when they more strongly perceive that (a) virtuous behaviors create opportunities for self-improvement (i.e. increasing VBn), and (b) indulgent behaviors impede progress and lead to stagnation (i.e. decreasing GBn). On the other hand, when cues promoting mood-maintenance are salient, changing instrumentalities of gratifying and virtuous behavior toward the need for self-improvement has no impact on self-control
Pride	According to past literature (Wilcox et al., 2011), when the source of pride (e.g. a promotion, a win in a competition) is not salient, consumers misattribute their feelings of pride to the long-term goal that a virtuous option facilitates (e.g. weight loss, financial independence), feeling they've made ample progress on the goal. This, in turn, licenses them to seek pleasure and impairs self-control. Thus, consistent with previous research (Wilcox et al., 2011), prediction 14 is that when the source of pride isn't salient, pride activates a hedonic need and hurts self-control. On the other hand, when the source of pride is salient, an alternative process predicts how pride affects self-control. Specifically, pride increases self-awareness (Tracy and Robins, 2007), which in turn activates a non-hedonic need to pursue long-term goals. Because virtuous options facilitate the pursuit of long-term goals by default, pride increases self-control		When the source of pride is not salient, pride activates a hedonic need. Accordingly, prediction 15 posits that self-control can be strengthened by leading consumers to perceive (a) gratifying behaviors as less pleasurable (i.e. lowering GB_n) and (b) virtuous behaviors as more pleasurable (i.e. increasing VB_n). In contrast, when the source of pride is salient, pride does not activate a hedonic need; as a result, shifting the instrumentalities of gratifying and virtuous behaviors toward the hedonic need has no effect on self-control	When the source of pride is salient, pride increases self-awareness and activates the pursuit of long-term goals (Wilcox et al., 2011). Thus, prediction 16 posits that pride enhances self-control when consumers perceive virtuous behaviors as more instrumental to long-term goals (i.e. increasing VB_n) and gratifying behaviors as more obstructive to those goals (i.e. decreasing GB_n)

Emotion	Process 1	Process 2	Process 3	Process 4
	Because the gratifying option facilitates the hedonic need more than the virtuous option (GB1 > VB1), emotions that increase (decrease) the activation of the hedonic need decrease (increase) self-control	Because consumers generally believe that virtuous options better facilitate non-hedonic needs than gratifying options (i.e. GBn < VBn), emotions that increase (or decrease) the activation of non-hedonic needs should increase (or decrease) self-control	Decreasing the instrumentality of the gratifying option (i.e. decreasing GBn) or increasing the instrumentality of the virtuous option (i.e. increasing VBn) toward the hedonic need activated by the emotion should improve self-control	Increasing the instrumentality of the virtuous option (i.e. increasing VBn) or decreasing the instrumentality of the gratifying option (i.e. decreasing GBn) toward the non-hedonic need activated by the emotion should improve self-control
Sadness	Sadness activates a hedonic need because it is physiologically aversive (Tice and Bratslavsky, 2000) and is experienced after an unredeemable loss that triggers feelings of helplessness (Garg and Lerner, 2013) and a desire for reward replacement (Lerner et al., 2004). It also activates a non-hedonic need to avoid future reward losses (Salerno et al., 2014). However, since sadness evokes feelings of helplessness and reduced control (Garg and Lerner, 2013), the hedonic need takes precedence over the non-hedonic need (Tice et al., 2001; Tice and Bratslavsky, 2000). Consequently, prediction 1 is that sadness impairs self-control. Consistently, past research finds that sadness increases the desire to gratify, making consumers more likely to engage in retail therapy (Atalay and Meloy, 2011), consume unhealthy foods (Garg et al., 2007; Salerno et al., 2014) and choose smaller immediate financial incentives over larger delayed ones (Lerner et al., 2013)		Prediction 2 is that sadness increases self-control when consumers are made to believe that (a) gratifying behaviors offer less pleasure (i.e. reducing GBn) and (b) virtuous behaviors offer greater pleasure (i.e. increasing VBn). Consistently, research finds that when sad consumers believe gratification won't improve their mood – such as through a mood-freeze manipulation (Manucia et al., 1984) – they are less likely to consume unhealthy snacks, select small immediate rewards over large deferred ones, or engage in frivolous procrastination (Tice et al., 2001)	Prediction 3 is that self-control improves among sad consumers when they are reminded that a) virtuous behaviors help them prevent future reward losses (e.g. eating healthy prevents weight gain) (i.e. increasing VBn), and b) indulging increases future losses (i.e. decreasing GBn). Consistently, reminding consumers that consuming foods such as candies or cookies offers poor nutrition reduces their consumption (Salerno et al., 2014)
Anxiety	Consumers experience anxiety when they perceive a threat of an adverse event occurring in their future (Eysenck et al., 2007; Lazarus, 1991; Koley et al., 2025; Lerner and Keltner, 2001; Schmeichel and Inzlicht, 2013; Skinner and Brewer, 2002; Smith and Ellsworth, 1985). Anxiety, therefore, enhances vigilance toward perceived threats and activates a desire to avoid them (Eysenck et al., 2007; Koley et al., 2025; Lerner and Keltner, 2001; Raghunathan and Pham, 1999; Schmeichel and Inzlicht, 2013). This, however, depletes consumers' regulatory resources (Derakshan and Eysenck, 2009; Eysenck et al., 2007), increasing consumers' desire to seek relaxation and comfort in domains unrelated to the focal goal. Thus, prediction 4 is that anxiety generally impairs self-control by activating a hedonic need for relaxation. However, when virtuous behaviors directly serve to avert perceived threats – such as wearing masks to prevent illness or saving money to meet imminent bills – the non-hedonic need of threat avoidance takes priority, thereby allowing anxiety to enhance self-control		Prediction 5 is that anxiety increases self-control when consumers are made to believe that (a) gratifying behaviors aren’t relaxing (i.e. reducing GBn) and (b) virtuous behaviors offer greater relaxation (i.e. increasing VBn)	Because anxiety increases the need for threat avoidance, prediction 6 is that self-control improves among anxious consumers when they are reminded that a) virtuous behaviors help them avoid threats (e.g. brushing teeth to avoid oral diseases, eating healthier to avoid chronic illnesses) (i.e. increasing VBn), and b) indulgent behaviors enhance threats (i.e. decreasing GBn)
Anger	Anger signals that another person or organization is blocking the consumer’s progress toward a goal, but the goal remains achievable if the obstacle is cleared (Berkowitz and Harmon-Jones, 2004; Carver and Harmon-Jones, 2009; Clore and Centerbar, 2004). Thus, it activates the non-hedonic need for dominance and power to defeat the opponent (Koley and Warren, 2025). Anger is unlikely to activate a hedonic need because, unlike other negative emotions like fear, anxiety or sadness, anger isn’t aversive; while sadness, fear or anxiety prompt avoidance, anger prompts approach and action to confront the opponent (Carver and Harmon-Jones, 2009; Tamir et al., 2008). Hence, prediction 7 is that anger's activation of the dominance need may enhance self-control relative to no emotion, when consumers perceive virtuous behaviors as facilitating the dominance need. However, when consumers do not perceive virtuous behaviors as facilitating them, anger is unlikely to enhance self-control		Because neither anger nor guilt is expected to activate a hedonic need, we do not propose any process-3–based predictions for improvements in self-control for these emotions	By increasing a desire for dominance or power, prediction 8 is that self-control increases among angry consumers when they perceive that a) virtuous behaviors allow them to feel more dominant or powerful rather than to get alternate benefits (e.g. eating healthy or exercising to build muscles or improve strength rather than to prevent disease; saving to buy the biggest house on the block rather than for rainy days) (i.e. increasing VBn), and b) indulgent behaviors make them appear submissive or weak (e.g. impulsive spending increases financial dependence) (i.e. decreasing GBn). Consistently, research finds that angry consumers exert more self-control when it facilitates a dominance need than when it serves an unrelated need, such as security (Koley and Warren, 2025)
Guilt	Guilt arises when consumers perceive that they have fallen short of a self-standard, motivating them to acknowledge the wrongdoing and correct their behavior (Baumeister et al., 1994; Tangney et al., 2007). Unlike sadness (Garg and Lerner, 2013) or shame (Duhachek et al., 2012; Han et al., 2014), which are typically elicited when consumers feel helpless or unable to change their circumstances – and therefore promote mood-repair motivations (Garg and Lerner, 2013; Raghunathan and Pham, 1999) – guilt motivates corrective action and a desire for self-improvement (Allard and White, 2015; Lefebvre et al., 2019; Zemack-Rugar et al., 2007). As a result, guilt does not activate a hedonic need but instead elicits only a non-hedonic need for self-improvement (Allard and White, 2015). Accordingly, Prediction 9 proposes that guilt enhances self-control. Consistent with this prediction, prior research shows that guilt reduces the selection of sugary foods compared with sadness (Lefebvre et al., 2019)			By increasing the need for self-improvement, prediction 10 is that self-control increases among guilty consumers when they are reminded that a) virtuous behaviors offer opportunity for self-improvement (e.g. becoming healthier, acquiring new skills, etc.) (i.e. increasing VBn), and b) indulgent behaviors cause stagnation (i.e. decreasing GBn)
Happiness	Unlike negative moods, which are caused by impaired goal progress and trigger reparative behaviors, happiness signals adequate goal progress and encourages maintenance of current strategies and mood (Fishbach and Labroo, 2007). Consequently, when happy consumers are exposed to cues promoting mood maintenance (e.g. a statement "I want to enjoy the moment"), they seek immediate pleasure. In contrast, when they're exposed to cues promoting growth or self-improvement (e.g. a statement such as “Ambition is virtue”), happiness activates a non-hedonic need for self-improvement (Fishbach and Labroo, 2007). Hence, consistent with previous findings (Fishbach and Labroo, 2007), prediction 11 is that when the cues promoting hedonic needs are salient, happiness impairs self-control, while when cues promoting self-improvement are salient, happiness improves self-control		Prediction 12 posits that when cues promoting mood-maintenance are salient, self-control among happy consumers increases when they perceive (a) gratifying behaviors as less pleasurable (i.e. reducing GBn) and (b) virtuous behaviors as more pleasurable (i.e. increasing VBn). In contrast, when cues promoting self-improvement are salient, altering the instrumentalities of gratifying and virtuous behaviors toward the hedonic need does not affect self-control	Prediction 13 posits that when cues promoting self-improvement are salient, self-control increases among happy consumers when they more strongly perceive that (a) virtuous behaviors create opportunities for self-improvement (i.e. increasing VBn), and (b) indulgent behaviors impede progress and lead to stagnation (i.e. decreasing GBn). On the other hand, when cues promoting mood-maintenance are salient, changing instrumentalities of gratifying and virtuous behavior toward the need for self-improvement has no impact on self-control
Pride	According to past literature (Wilcox et al., 2011), when the source of pride (e.g. a promotion, a win in a competition) is not salient, consumers misattribute their feelings of pride to the long-term goal that a virtuous option facilitates (e.g. weight loss, financial independence), feeling they've made ample progress on the goal. This, in turn, licenses them to seek pleasure and impairs self-control. Thus, consistent with previous research (Wilcox et al., 2011), prediction 14 is that when the source of pride isn't salient, pride activates a hedonic need and hurts self-control. On the other hand, when the source of pride is salient, an alternative process predicts how pride affects self-control. Specifically, pride increases self-awareness (Tracy and Robins, 2007), which in turn activates a non-hedonic need to pursue long-term goals. Because virtuous options facilitate the pursuit of long-term goals by default, pride increases self-control		When the source of pride is not salient, pride activates a hedonic need. Accordingly, prediction 15 posits that self-control can be strengthened by leading consumers to perceive (a) gratifying behaviors as less pleasurable (i.e. lowering GB_n) and (b) virtuous behaviors as more pleasurable (i.e. increasing VB_n). In contrast, when the source of pride is salient, pride does not activate a hedonic need; as a result, shifting the instrumentalities of gratifying and virtuous behaviors toward the hedonic need has no effect on self-control	When the source of pride is salient, pride increases self-awareness and activates the pursuit of long-term goals (Wilcox et al., 2011). Thus, prediction 16 posits that pride enhances self-control when consumers perceive virtuous behaviors as more instrumental to long-term goals (i.e. increasing VB_n) and gratifying behaviors as more obstructive to those goals (i.e. decreasing GB_n)