COVID-19 deaths and public accountability
| Level of ethnostatistics | Form of accountability | Accountability mechanism | Accountability claim | Findings |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Level 1: To Count | Rule-based / virtuous accountability | Standardised classification rules (ICD codes), death certification procedures, medical judgement | States are accountable if they follow recognised rules and procedures to record deaths objectively and consistently | COVID-19 deaths became accountable objects through formal rules that enabled counting, aggregation and auditability. However, discretionary clinical judgement, inconsistent testing regimes, timing constraints and weak civil registration systems produced systematic invisibility and miscounting – particularly among vulnerable and low-income populations. Official counts retained legitimacy due to procedural compliance |
| Level 2: Accounting | Transparency-based / performative accountability | Public reporting, dashboards, league tables, ratios and visualisations | States demonstrate accountability by making numbers visible, comparable and intelligible to the public | Aggregated death counts transformed mortality into public-facing accounts that enabled comparison, ranking and performance evaluation. Despite acknowledged data flaws and non-comparability, real-time reporting fostered trust, justified emergency interventions and functioned as a performative signal of responsible governance. Visibility, not accuracy, became the primary accountability currency |
| Level 3: Recounting | Ex post / mechanistic accountability | Statistical modelling, expert judgement, proxy measures (excess deaths) | Governments are accountable for narratives of outcomes when evaluated retrospectively against counterfactual benchmarks | Excess deaths reconstituted accountability by retrospectively reassessing the true human cost of policy decisions. These proxy measures challenged official narratives, revealed undercounts, enabled transnational comparison and reassigned responsibility for success or failure. Although imprecise, excess deaths carried epistemic authority and legitimised retrospective judgement of state performance |
| Level of ethnostatistics | Form of accountability | Accountability mechanism | Accountability claim | Findings |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Level 1: To Count | Rule-based / virtuous accountability | Standardised classification rules ( | States are accountable if they | COVID-19 deaths became accountable objects through formal rules that enabled counting, aggregation and auditability. However, discretionary clinical judgement, inconsistent testing regimes, timing constraints and weak civil registration systems produced systematic invisibility and miscounting – particularly among vulnerable and low-income populations. Official counts retained legitimacy due to procedural compliance |
| Level 2: Accounting | Transparency-based / performative accountability | Public reporting, dashboards, league tables, ratios and visualisations | States demonstrate accountability by | Aggregated death counts transformed mortality into public-facing accounts that enabled comparison, ranking and performance evaluation. Despite acknowledged data flaws and non-comparability, real-time reporting fostered trust, justified emergency interventions and functioned as a performative signal of responsible governance. Visibility, not accuracy, became the primary accountability currency |
| Level 3: Recounting | Ex post / mechanistic accountability | Statistical modelling, expert judgement, proxy measures (excess deaths) | Governments are accountable for | Excess deaths reconstituted accountability by retrospectively reassessing the true human cost of policy decisions. These proxy measures challenged official narratives, revealed undercounts, enabled transnational comparison and reassigned responsibility for success or failure. Although imprecise, excess deaths carried epistemic authority and legitimised retrospective judgement of state performance |
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