Chapter 13: Community Radio in Building Resilience Against Gender-based Violence in Tanzania: A Case of Radio Sengerema

The UN Inter-Agency Standing Committee Task Force on Gender and Humanitarian Assistance (2005) defines GBV as any act committed against a person’s will based on socially ascribed gender differences between males and females. They note that GBV is often used interchangeably with the term ‘violence against women’ due to the subordinate positions women hold in society that make them more vulnerable to socioeconomic injustices. The CARE International Report (2014) covering 2011–2013, however, highlights that men and boys can also be subjected to GBV, particularly when they go against prescribed social norms. GBV is a widespread violation of human rights with a particular prevalence in developing countries (Muluneh et al., 2020, p. 2). In Africa, GBV remains a pervasive problem contributing to human rights violations, increasing women’s vulnerability to reproductive health issues, and limiting their participation in productive roles (PEPFAR, 2016, p. 65). GBV affects not only women, but also children, men, and entire families in that it perpetuates a culture of fear, mistrust, and intimidation (Muluneh et al., 2020, p. 2). Consequently, several countries, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, have incorporated GBV strategies into budgeting and planning policies to address sociocultural values that contribute to GBV (PEPFAR, 2016, p. 66).

Tanzania, like other African countries, still experiences widespread cases of GBV in its communities. The Tanzania Demographic and Health Survey for 2015–2016 (Ministry of Health [Tanzania Mainland], Ministry of Health [Zanzibar], National Bureau of Statistics, Office of the Chief Government Statistician, & ICF, 2023) highlights that more than 20% of women aged 15–49 in Tanzania have experienced sexual violence, and approximately 44% of married women have faced both physical and sexual violence. Statistics from the Inspector General of Police, Tanzania (2021, p. 21) indicate that 42,414 cases of GBV were reported across the country in 2020. The report highlights that the most prevalent forms of GBV are rape, human trafficking, homicide, child desertion, and kidnapping. The Sengerema district in the Mwanza region of Tanzania is a studied area rife with GBV incidents (Statistics from the Inspector General of Police, Tanzania, 2017, pp. 75–78) which is infamous for such physical and psychological violence.

The national government of Tanzania has been promoting gender equality and combating GBV through the enactment of laws and formulation of policies. For example, freedom from GBV is a goal of Tanzania’s Development Vision 2025, which aims to create a strong economy and enhance the quality of life (PEPFAR, 2016, p. 65). Notable legislative changes include the 1998 amendment to the Sexual Offences (Special Provisions) Act, the 2011 Female Genital Mutilation Act, and the strengthening of the Marriage Act, which mandates marriage equality (Tanzania Women Lawyers Association [TAWLA] (2014, p. 42). Such institutional reforms to proactively prevent GBV as the establishment of gender focal points in each ministry and the creation of gender desks within the Police Force have also been enacted (Simmons et al., 2016, p. 37).

While the government has intensified its efforts to promote gender equality and combat GBV, community media have additional roles to play that complement these efforts within communities. Early communication models derived from modernisation and dependency theories of development in 1980s have faced substantial criticism for neglecting a fundamental element of participatory (Mefalopulos, 2008, p. 4). As a result, the participatory communication approach, advocating for the engagement of communities in addressing development challenges, emerged (Freire, 1997, p. 30). This approach underscores the importance of involving communities in the fight against GBV and highlights the vital role of community radio in this endeavour.

Many scholars have proposed different definitions of what constitutes ‘community radio’. Onyenankeya and Salawu (2023) define community radio as a localised radio station serving a small geographic area and often supported by local listeners or social groups. Studies conducted by the Media Institute of Southern Africa (2000) reveal diverse responses when people are asked about the meaning of community radio. Some respondents treated community radio as a medium for communicating local activities and covering community events mostly in languages to facilitate understanding, whereas other respondents insisted that community radio should air programmes that address the development challenges in its community. This chapter adopts a working definition of community radio that integrates the various features addressed by many scholars: community radio is a broadcasting radio station located in a specific geographical area; funded by the government, donors, or the community of interest; that aims to address challenges affecting people in that area and which has a significant influence on the community members through programming and coverage.

In Tanzania, community radio has emerged as a participatory medium that plays a crucial role in addressing a wide range of development challenges, including poverty, agriculture, elections, women’s affairs, conflict, human rights, gender inequality, education, and cultural beliefs (Faisal & Alhassan, 2018; Khan et al., 2017; Wabwire, 2013). Community radio helps address cultural barriers and disseminate information on GBV by providing platforms, incentives, and dialogue tailored to the needs of the communities (Wabwire, 2013, p. 43). While scholars in Tanzania recognise the importance of community radio in addressing sociocultural inequalities and injustices (Bamwenda, et al., 2015; Manenosabin & Charles, 2019; Mwidima, 2019), there remains a gap in evidence regarding its role in combatting GBV, particularly in rural areas. This chapter investigates the Sengerema community radio station’s interventions in building resilience against GBV and the extent to which community members participate in radio dialogues on GBV.

The history of community radio can be traced to the 1940s in Latin America, when the mainstream media as a mode of communication failed to address poverty and injustices in marginalised communities (Okinyi, 2019, p. 158). In Europe, community radio began to serve as an alternative to public broadcasting in the 1960s (Fraser & Estrada, 2001, p. 30). In Africa, its significance grew with democratic processes in the 1990s and was supported by organisations like UNESCO that recognise community radio’s potential as a tool for the promotion and amplification of free expression by the voices of marginalised communities (Mrutu, 2008, p. 3). In Tanzania, private mainstream radio stations emerged in the 1990s but had limited reach to marginalised communities (Katunzi, 2014, p. 446). Community radio stations began operating in 1993, focussing on local issues like farming, literacy, and health (Myers, 2011, p. 11). The rise of these stations reflects the implementation of Structural Adjustment Policies in the late 1980s and early 1990s that advocated for the liberalisation of radio airwaves and promoted democratic reforms (Mpehongwa, 2024, p. 35).

Radio Sengerema was established in 2001 as an initiative managed by the Sengerema Multipurpose Community Telecentre, with the primary goal of facilitating the diffusion of technology to spur development in rural areas of Sengerema and the nearby communities. In September 2003, the radio became an independent subsidiary of the telecentre and shifted its aims not only to the diffusion of technology in rural areas but also the provision of other information beneficial to society. Sengerema community radio is now a long-serving station and has helped address development challenges through education and information sharing in the Sengerema community and its Lake region neighbours (Bamwenda et al., 2015, p. 24). One assistant radio manager asserted that the station has been instrumental in disseminating information on disease prevention for such killers as cholera and HIV/AIDS and on scientific farming methods. Additionally, it fosters gender equality by providing platforms that challenge gender stereotypes, promote equal opportunities, and advocate for human rights (Bamwenda et al., 2015, p. 25). It is thus an appropriate platform for a case study of how community radio can and does address GBV in Sub-Saharan Africa.

This study’s theoretical framework is rooted in participatory communication theory (PCT), first introduced by Freire in 1968 as a response to earlier development and communication paradigms like modernisation and dependency (Freire, 1997). PCT asserts the fundamental importance of people’s power in achieving sustainable development and makes participation a crucial element in sustainable development strategies. This theory places a strong emphasis on dialogical and horizontal communication, the empowerment of communities, ownership, and the consideration of cultural context as major factors in generating the necessary development outcomes (Sylvester, 2016). PCT considers development as a result of collaboration and the involvement of all stakeholders such that communication plays a pivotal role (Ali & Sonderling, 2017, p. 82). The theory posits that development failures, poverty, and conflicts stem from top-down planning and a lack of involvement of local communities in programme identification and design for specific local contexts (Ali & Sonderling, 2017, p. 81; Mosse, 2001, p. 28), whereas two-way communication fosters trust, explores opportunities, facilitates knowledge and experience sharing, and creates a broad-based consensus, all of which contribute to the success and sustainability of development efforts (Mefalopulos, 2008, p. 4). PCT further advocates for a culture of specificity and encourages a people-centred, holistic development model and has been used by several scholars (e.g., Dunu, 2015; Khan et al., 2017; Manenosabin & Charles, 2019) to establish the role of communication platforms in engaging communities to address development challenges. The foundational principles of PCT, namely engagement, empowerment, open dialogue, and endogenous action (Ali & Sonderling, 2017, p. 94), served as guiding concepts for developing the key questions and assumptions regarding community radio intervention in addressing GBV issues. This chapter demonstrates community radio as a unique medium that aligns with the core principles of PCT by promoting community participation as feedback, sharing, and interrogation in dialogues related to GBV.

The study was conducted at Radio Sengerema in Sengerema district, located in the Mwanza region of Tanzania. This radio station was selected as a case study because it is situated in a rural area in the Lake Zone of Tanzania where according to Statistics from the Inspector General of Police, Tanzania (2021, p. 11) incidents of GBV are common. A mixed research approach, incorporating qualitative and quantitative methodologies, was adopted to provide a comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon and enable complementary analysis of qualitative information with quantitative data (Creswell & Creswell, 2018, p. 337). The research utilised a quantitative content analysis from a sample of 100 weekly radio programmes, in-depth interviews with two radio managers and five editors, and focus group discussions (FGDs) with 12 programme producers, news reporters, and radio presenters. Whereas in-depth interviews were held with editors and managers selected purposefully from the radio station to gain insight into their experiences and perspectives on involving community members in radio programmes to address GBV, FGDs were employed to collect data from two separate groups of six participants each, composed of radio programme producers and presenters. Purposive sampling was utilised to select 100 recent radio programmes from five weekly special broadcasts aired by Radio Sengerema over the six months between February and July 2019 for content analysis. The selection of recent programmes reflects the lack of accessible records for earlier broadcasts, and the chosen programmes specifically focussed on development issues in which GBV was a central concern that Radio Sengerema aimed to address. The five weekly programmes subjected to quantitative content analysis were: Haki ya Mwananchi [The Rights of a Citizen]; Sauti ya Walemavu [The Voice of the Physically Handicapped); Pambazuko [Sunrise]; Ukurasawa Vijana [Youth Corner]; and Maadili Mema [Good Ethics]. The coding of the transcripts of these programmes’ broadcasts included themes on the availability of GBV content and the types of sources involved (female or male, experts or laypeople, etc.), of violence discussed, and of community participation. These themes and concepts were analysed using a content analysis matrix and descriptive and inferential statistics. Qualitative data collected through in-depth interviews and FGDs was recorded and stored using notetaking and tape-recording and was manually analysed using the protocols for thematic analysis outlined by Robert Weber (2008). To ensure the respondents’ safety and meet ethical standards, the researcher obtained a research clearance from the University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania that was then presented to relevant authorities in the study areas, including the Mwanza Regional Administrative Secretary, Sengerema District Administrative Secretary, and the Sengerema radio manager. All participants were informed about the study’s purpose and their roles before their consent.

These findings are the results of data collected from three different kinds of sources: in-depth interviews with radio editors and managers, FGDs with programme producers and reporters, and 100 radio programme segments. The discussion is organised around a qualitative description of themes coded throughout the study, and each of the themes is complemented by quantitative data derived from the content analysis of the broadcasts.

Radio Sengerema has taken diverse steps to build resilience against GBV practices within the community. During their interviews, the radio managers and editors emphasised that the radio station’s policy and practices dictated that approximately 90% of the radio content cater to the needs and aspirations of the community, while the remaining 10% cover general content, including national issues. Editors and managers attested that the radio station puts such emphasis on community concerns, that GBV, which is common in the area, has been prioritised in their programming. They explained how a wide range of programme formats, from radio news bulletins to documentaries and special segments, have played a pivotal role in shifting people’s perspectives on GBV practices in the community:

To fulfil the station’s mandate to focus on severe issues in the community for change, the station made a concerted effort to translate statistical data into accessible information and provide platforms for discussions on the various special issues and needs of individuals who have experienced GBV. Additionally, the radio manager and editors emphasised the importance of educating and supporting individuals with special needs, who are particularly vulnerable to all forms of violence. They further explained that the radio station has established a supportive system that facilitates gatherings for vulnerable individuals, such as those with disabilities, to share their experiences and collectively discuss strategies to safeguard their lives.

This statement from an interview respondent well captures quite a few of the responses provided by the editors:

The radio station has also used its programming that educates the community to combat GBV by informing women and children about the social and cultural factors linked to GBV. During FGDs, radio producers and reporters highlighted that the radio initiatives have fostered a deep understanding of the root causes of violence against women and children, particularly those stemming from cultural backgrounds. This education also includes practical information about how to escape violence and utilise legal avenues to report it. The radio producers stated that they have also focussed on educating their listeners about the country’s laws on GBV by engaging legal experts on the programmes. They added that many community members commit GBV because they do not know that Tanzanian and international law prohibits these acts.

The editors and producers expressed similar perspectives on the kind of education that Radio Sengerema provided:

The editors and producers also stated that they play a major role in helping women liberate themselves from patriarchal ideologies and socially sanctioned GBV. They noted that in Sengerema, a patriarchal society, programme producers work hard to encourage women to liberate themselves both culturally and economically by highlighting opportunities available to women in the community. In other words, they argue that building women’s confidence is crucial to the fight against GBV:

These findings demonstrate that Radio Sengerema has undertaken several initiatives to combat GBV in their Lake Region community. The station heavily prioritises local community concerns, translates statistical data about GVB into easily accessible information, provides education about the law to the community, and actively challenges harmful cultural practices that contribute to violence. Respondents were confident that these efforts have led to a transformation of public perceptions and empowerment of marginalised groups, especially women and individuals with special needs, and Radio Sengerema’s success confirms such studies as Obagboye (2021) and Muluneh et al. (2020) that identify four kinds of initiatives are needed to address the challenges of GBV in communities: addressing community attitudes and cultural barriers, empowering communities, providing timely information on GBV, and strengthening laws and policies. What is more, Radio Sengerema confirms the assumptions of PCT by demonstrating the importance of community media in empowering the community to participate in addressing development challenges.

This theme gave insight into how community members were engaged in addressing GVB in their programming. The responses from interviews and FGDs indicate that members of the Sengerema community, but particularly its men, had more opportunities to participate in radio programmes addressing GBV compared to individuals from outside the region. The radio producers highlighted that since the primary clients of the radio programmes in Sengerema are the community members themselves, the content produced is inherently linked to the community’s interests. One radio producer highlighted how participation is incorporated into interview segments:

Two distinct types of direct community participation in production were reported by the manager and editors. The first was the participation of community members in the preparation of the programmes as sources of stories or information, who have given permission for the sharing of their experience in the programmes produced. The second was sharing their views about the content of a programme during or after its broadcast through the provision of a platform. In other words, community members also participate by giving feedback on programming by calling, sending an SMS, or posting on Facebook, WhatsApp, or other social media:

Furthermore, it was established that the emphasis on programme participation is often on victims of violence, presumed perpetrators, and those influenced by or connected to instances of violence. To facilitate such involvement, the radio station collaborates with influential organisations and major mainstream media outlets to disseminate the radio’s agenda effectively:

When discussing the phenomenon of lower rates of participation among women in comparison to men in these programmes, both interview and FGD respondents highlighted the heavier burden of domestic responsibilities on women in Sengerema. They are often obliged to remain at home, where they tend to family and reproductive roles that leave limited time to engage with radio programmes. Furthermore, respondents pointed out that the patriarchal system entrenched in Sengerema significantly limits women’s roles in decision-making, further restricting their availability to participate in initiatives like radio programmes. As one producer put it:

These findings show that Radio Sengerema has initiated significant efforts to engage community members in discussions about GBV, and the limited participation of women in these programmes highlights the tenacity of deep-rooted patriarchal structures in Africa that deny women recognition and perpetuate gender inequalities (Dunu, 2015, p. 178; O’Brien, 2019, p. 793). Addressing these disparities is crucial. Initiatives must challenge these norms by actively involving women in radio programming and other development efforts and promoting gender diversity in decision-making processes to dismantle entrenched patriarchy and effectively address issues like GBV.

A content analysis of 100 segments from five weekly programmes supplemented the thematic analysis of data gathered from FGDs and interviews. Four methods of community participation were identified: mobile calls or SMS during live or recorded broadcasts (42.75%), live participation in the studio (31.3%), involvement as sources of GBV-related information (22.9%), and participation through the station’s social media accounts (3.05%, Table 13.1). The analysis of 100 segments supports the answers from interviews and FGDs on the opportunities for the community members to participate in community radio programmes.

Six categories of community members participating in GBV radio programmes as either news sources or guests were identified: indigenous women only, indigenous men only, both indigenous men and women, community experts, political and religious leaders and members of civil society. The indigenous participants were categorised into three groups to highlight the differences between programmes that involved only women, only men, and those that involved both men and women simultaneously.

Around 24% of the participants were from civil society, 23% were community experts, and 15% were community leaders. Programmes with indigenous participants included 19% involving both indigenous men and women, 12% with men only, and 7% with women only (Fig. 13.1).

These findings indicate a significant involvement from civil society and experts and less participation from indigenous men and women. The notable gender gap, with men more active, reflects persistent patriarchal ideologies and gender stereotypes that undermine women’s influence in social and economic development (Kumari & Joshi, 2015, p. 45).

Radio producers, editors, and reporters provided rich, detailed data about the many and diverse challenges they have faced in addressing GBV in their programmes. Participants’ answers revealed three categories as the most important challenges.

Participants reported that local community and political leaders appear to obstruct efforts to disclose the perpetrators of GBV on Radio Sengerema. They reported that these leaders sometimes cooperated with the perpetrators. Respondents alleged that leaders took bribes from the girl’s parent or the culprits of childhood rape in cases that Radio Sengerema was investigating and that this corruption also resulted in failure to prosecute such cases of GBV due to a ‘lack’ of evidence:

This concern raised by radio producers echoes Medie’s (2013) argument that responses to GBV, whether through media or legal measures, are always also shaped by power structures and political will. Many African states have laws criminalising GBV, including rape, but enforcement is often weak, few cases reach the courts, and victims are pressured to seek reconciliation instead of prosecution. Journalists and reporters, as part of the system, are limited by these circumstances.

Participants also cited cultural challenges rooted in the traditional patriarchal values of the Sengerema region as an obstacle to the radio’s efforts to address GBV. In Sengerema, men are perceived as authority figures, and women have less power in resource ownership and decision-making. During discussions, it was highlighted that radio journalists often needed to seek permission from men to interview women and children about GBV incidents, and these men were sometimes reluctant to grant such permission due to fear of implication in scandals. These patriarchal values prevented producers from addressing crucial issues related to GBV:

This cultural stereotyping of women increases their vulnerability to GBV because radio producers face difficulties in obtaining information on GBV, particularly when women and children are affected within their families:

Cultural barriers contributing to the silence among GBV victims necessitate collective action from the community, government, and other entities at all levels. These barriers are further highlighted by Shivram and Mu-azu (2017), which explored the impact of FM radio broadcasts in local dialects on rural communities in the Tamale metropolis of northern Ghana using survey methods to collect data from select communities. Their findings revealed that cultural beliefs, religious convictions, and the political landscape of a given society significantly influence the development and progress of media. Addressing these cultural factors through community education is crucial to enhancing women’s participation in decision-making and overcoming sociocultural barriers that disadvantage them in development.

During FGDs, insufficient funding emerged as a critical issue affecting both the production and outreach of Radio Sengerema’s GBV-related programming. Participants highlighted, for example, the practical problems posed by limited transportation budgets to reach rural victims and perpetrators. They also noted how the absence of essential facilities like vehicles and modern production equipment constrained journalists’ ability to cover GBV stories effectively across diverse audiences:

Financial challenges are a widely recognised major obstacle to the sustainability of community radio stations. Wesso (2007) highlighted the reluctance of local businesses to advertise on community radio stations. Furthermore, Mrutu (2008) and Katunzi (2014) found that fees imposed by signal providers create a significant, sometimes insurmountable burden, especially for smaller, community-oriented stations without substantial financial backing from the government or private sector. Indeed, Mrutu (2008) proposes that when a community radio station fails due to financial challenges, governments should intervene to save that radio station for the interest of the people.

Radio Sengerema demonstrates that community radio has the potential to address community-specific issues. This study explored this rural Tanzanian community radio station’s endeavours to tackle GBV as part of its development agenda. While the station predominantly focuses on development topics, expanding its coverage of GBV as a developmental issue is essential. The research also highlights the pivotal role of radio programmes in educating and informing the community and fostering positive shifts in attitudes towards GBV. These programmes have ignited debates on GBV, empowered women to share their experiences, advocated for marginalised voices, and fostered community involvement in exposing GBV misconduct. These milestones, while significant, demonstrate the ongoing need for such further efforts as increasing dedicated programmes on GVB. Indeed, the findings reveal a limited level of community engagement in the radio programmes and a marked gender disparity: women are less involved than men. This observation highlights the shortage of opportunities for community involvement in GBV programmes and the urgent need for increased creativity and innovation, especially in empowering women.

Respondents identified three major categories of hindrances to the radio station’s efforts in addressing GBV in the Sengerema area during interviews and FGDs: political corruption, persistent patriarchal values, and funding. These obstacles are consistent with previous studies examining what significantly impacts a community radio’s effectiveness in addressing the development agenda (Katunzi, 2014; Mrutu, 2008; Wesso, 2007). To overcome these challenges, it is crucial to employ PCT strategies, like involving local leaders and politicians in radio plans, providing community education to address cultural barriers that hinder women’s participation in decision-making, and promoting the sustainability of community radio stations. Despite Radio Sengerema’s efforts to address GBV issues, there is still considerable room for improvement that can maximise its impact on the prevalence of GBV and foster positive community transformation.