A huge expansion in post‐16 education has taken place in Britain and much of the developed world over the last 20 years. More than 70 per cent of school leavers in Britain now go on to some form of further education or training. Higher education, in particular, has expanded significantly. No more than 5 per cent of the population benefited from higher education in the 1950s. But the UK Government has a target of a 35 per cent participation rate among 18‐21 year olds by 2002, and half of under 30 year olds to have taken part in higher education by 2010. All the EU member states have increased participation in higher education, especially among women. There has also been significant expansion in countries from Japan to Ireland and the USA to Australia.
Liz Thomas first examines some of the reasons underpinning renewed interest in access, widening participation and lifelong learning. One reason governments have encouraged moves towards a mass system of higher education is unemployment caused by industrial decline, and a perceived need to develop a “knowledge economy” and “learning society” to ensure success in a global market. Another factor is the intrinsic value of education to individuals and society, and an associated desire for greater social equality.
The expansion in the numbers of people taking part in post‐compulsory education and training does not necessarily mean that there has been an increase in diversity, or that groups that have not traditionally taken part in post‐compulsory education and training are now equally represented. In Britain, students from the professional classes are five times more likely to enter higher education than students from unskilled or manual backgrounds. As the Kennedy report stated in 1997: “Recent policies to increase participation and achievement in learning have achieved some success, but mainly in providing opportunities for those who have already achieved to continue to do so … We must widen participation, not simply increase it.”
Thomas points out the danger of focusing only on higher education, and shows that further education and other forms of tertiary education often provide routes or ladders of progression into higher education. Moreover, the boundaries between educational providers are blurred. Some higher‐education enrolments, for example, take place in further‐education establishments. And higher education is not necessarily the pinnacle that all students are, or should be, aiming for. Some forms of education are more suitable than others at various stages in students’ lives. The author examines the barriers to wider participation in formal learning by so‐called “non‐traditional” students. She identifies and explores barriers related to the education system, those linked to income and the labour market, the influence of social and cultural factors and the notion that individual “deficits” are to blame for non‐participation.
Finally, the author promotes a strategic approach to widening participation that involves potential students in addressing the various barriers to access and progression. Thomas points out that recognizing and remedying only one of the barriers to access is unlikely to be the most effective way of addressing the complex issues surrounding non‐participation by some sectors of society. Such an approach may even be counterproductive. If, for example, education is provided in a more accessible location, but without appropriate personal and support services, the non‐traditional student may withdraw and the experience be deemed a failure by the student or the institution. This may discourage further involvement in formal learning. “As a result,” concludes the author, “it is suggested that an effective strategy to widen participation among under‐represented groups of students must take account of the different barriers that exist, and must seek to develop a participatory approach that engages with as wide a range of factors as possible.”
