Brutal, brave, brilliant. Three words that come to mind to best describe this ethnographic tour de force that Daniel Briggs brings to life. Indeed, Deviance and Risk on Holiday is a book that you will not easily forget should you decide to read it. Through vivid descriptions of people and places the author takes us on a journey in the young British tourists' world of transgression and perceived freedom (or “unfreedom”) on holiday. The choice of the topic, clearly presented in the introduction, is very appropriate as much literature treats leisure and tourism as unproblematic and “conventional” experiences. By contrast, this work reminds us that our tourism spaces and times are often characterised by illegal activities and experiences often stigmatised by wider society. Importantly, the “deviant” dimension of tourism should not been neglected as its denial may hamper our understanding of tourist behaviour within the wider socio-cultural context of modern society. As the author argues in this book, a clear line can be drawn between the micro-dimension of individual patterns of behaviour and the macro-forces that monitor and direct tourists' individualities. In the author's words, “there are wider dynamics at play which influence and direct the same cohort [the young British tourists] into those practices [individual patterns of deviant behaviour]” (p. 229).
Perhaps the various sociological aspects of deviance are repeatedly omitted by tourism scholars, as we academics may be intimidated by the idea of conducting research on topics that are not often perceived as “serious enough” by other social scientists. Also, scholars conducting research on deviance may put themselves and their academic reputations “at risk” as they may be identified as deviant people by a more narrow-minded and traditional academic circle. In this respect, this book is innovative as the author decides to “risk himself” and resist the current academic status quo.
What permeates the book is a sense of honesty that not all ethnographies are capable of conveying. Honesty pervades the stories narrated in the 12 chapters, in the author's narratives on his participative role in the various tourism activities, and in the tales that participants produce in their accounts. The author does not “evacuate” the text nor try to cover up what the scientific world might label unnecessary or unprofessional. Rather, the fact that the empirical material is presented in simple and sometimes brutal terms gives the book a depth seldom seen in published academic enquiry. Such depth exhibits a “liberating effect” for other ethnographers who have experienced and lived the problematic practicality of the field. The overall impression after reading this book is that the empirical material is authentic, reliable, and trustworthy. This also emerges from the relationship of trust that the author establishes with his participants. In my opinion, this is a good example that other ethnographers could follow, especially those scholars who are about to begin their first ethnographic study.
The language used in the book reinforces the relationship of trust that the author establishes with participants. The accessibility of the language, the use of jargon and colloquialisms are an attempt to represent the “normality of deviance” in a tourism setting like Ibiza. It is unfortunate that that author does not include any photos taken during the fieldwork to enhance the vivid pictures created from words.
The overall methodological approach is innovative. It is an ethnographic approach that allows the author to employ both more traditional methods, such as interviews and participants observation, and less traditional ones, such as Facebook excerpts, which are dense in rich and meaningful insights.
The only drawback of this book is the relative lack of an in-depth reflexive approach. While on page 39 the author describes his participants as “predominantly working class, white and are familiar with drinking at weekends, taking drugs, and say they have generally ‘boring’ jobs and/ or are studying, or don't see much prospect”, he does not disclose too much about “his self/selves” and whether and how he may be related to the participants' description. The author's identity is not totally hidden; yet, the reader is left to guess what his gender, ethnicity, and social class are as he does not introduce himself. It would have been great, for example, if at the beginning of the book the author had explained to readers why he decided to embark on this project. In the introduction, the book provides a rather “scientific” answer to this question. However, the author should have provided more information on where the author's curiosity of investigating young British activities on holiday comes from, and whether and how his socio-cultural upbringing is somewhat related to the world he decides to explore.
I would have liked to know, for example, how the author behaved when the South Crew took drugs or performed deviant patterns of behaviour. This would have added more depth to the narrative. Moreover, it would have been interesting to explore why we, as researchers, decide to take risks in the field and how risk shapes our identities as researchers. Also, what do we have to gain or lose as researchers in the published representations of our “deviant fieldworks”?
Nonetheless, the author does share some reflexive thoughts on his role as researcher in the field and how others perceived him during and after the fieldwork (page 208). In this respect, it is disappointing to read the following statement: “If only I could convince some of the world's leading drug and alcohol journals which have outright rejected my work because they considered it to be “unscientific” or have accused me of ‘enjoying myself’”. (p. 208). Scholars should reflect on how most traditional positivist stances on drug and alcohol abuse often deny the important role that the social context plays in addictions. I hope that this work and similar works can pave the way to less restrictive conceptualisations of deviant experiences that involve drugs and alcohol. I am sure that by doing so they will find more effective ways to tackle this problematic social issue.
Overall, this is an excellent book. If you are an experienced ethnographer, you should have this manuscript as it will further provoke your thoughts on the meanings of “fieldwork”. If you are a young scholar or a student who is about to embark on an ethnographic study, this is the book you must read as it will definitely encourage you to conduct ethnographic fieldwork. If you are a skeptic scientist who does not perceive works like this as “scientifically” relevant, you must read this book as it may change your mind.
