This study examines how formal entrepreneurship education and different informal social contexts, including family, hobbies, and peer interactions, are associated with the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls. While previous research has shown that entrepreneurship is a gendered phenomenon, the factors associated with the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls have received limited attention.
This study draws on quantitative survey data collected in Finland (N = 13,171). The target group consists of 15-year-old girls. The analysis is based on linear regression models.
The findings of this research reveal that formal entrepreneurship education and informal social contexts are associated with different dimensions of entrepreneurship potential for adolescent girls. Overall, informal social contexts show the strongest associations with entrepreneurship potential. School-based entrepreneurship education, on the other hand, may even reduce girls' interest in entrepreneurship.
This study advances understanding of the multiple factors associated with the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls by demonstrating that it emerges not only within structured educational settings but also across a wider range of everyday social contexts. These insights challenge traditional models of entrepreneurship education that prioritise formal instruction and instead support a more holistic framework grounded in sociocultural and experiential learning perspectives. The results emphasise the importance of supporting girls' entrepreneurial development early in their educational trajectory to help address gender disparities in entrepreneurial activity. Nevertheless, reliance on self-reported survey data introduces the possibility of response bias, and this limitation is acknowledged in the analysis.
At the policy level, this means ensuring that entrepreneurship education frameworks encourage early exposure to diverse entrepreneurial pathways, integrate gender sensitive pedagogical principles, and allocate resources for teacher training that supports the use of learner centered methods. Pedagogically this means entrepreneurship education that is not based on one mode fits all models. This includes designing learning environments that incorporate experiential activities, and provide opportunities for girls to engage with relatable entrepreneurial role models. Such environments can counteract early socialization patterns that may otherwise restrict the development of entrepreneurship potential and help ensure that entrepreneurship education supports all learners more equitably.
With a deeper understanding of the factors that affect girls' entrepreneurial potential it is possible to influence the gendered role of entrepreneurship in society.
Adolescent girls have been largely overlooked in entrepreneurship research. This study contributes originality by examining how formal and informal social contexts are associated with the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls.
Introduction
This article examines how different social contexts relate to the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls. Our study builds on prior research that has identified gender differences in entrepreneurial interest and outcomes (e.g. Adom and Anambane, 2020; Henry et al., 2016; Sundermeier and Steenblock, 2024; Salavou et al., 2021). Although the gender gap in entrepreneurship has narrowed in recent years (e.g. Björk et al., 2022) and some studies report no difference in entrepreneurial intentions between girls and boys (Porfírio et al., 2023), broader gendered patterns persist in entrepreneurship (e.g. Guzman and Kacperczyk, 2019).
Previous research links gender ideology to systematic differences in educational opportunities, career choices and perceptions of entrepreneurship (e.g. Lewis, 2006; van der Vleuten et al., 2016). Entrepreneurship is often portrayed as aligned with traditional masculine ideals (Marlow and Martinez Dy, 2018) and associated with attributes such as decision-making ability, strength, risk taking, financial ambition and endurance. The concept of the “stereotype threat” captures how widely shared gender stereotypes can shape individuals' self-evaluations and perceptions of suitable roles in working life (e.g. Adom and Anambane, 2020; Laguía et al., 2022).
Previous research has pointed out that the entrepreneurship potential of adolescents develops through a socialization process within different formal and informal contexts (Athayde, 2009; Dhali et al., 2025; Falck et al., 2012; Jayawarna et al., 2014). Hence, for example, the family environment may reinforce gendered expectations, as parents' assessments of their children's abilities differ by gender (Eccles et al., 1990). Furthermore, studies show that entrepreneurship education outcomes may differ between boys and girls (Padilla;Angulo et al., 2022; Pimpa, 2021; Westhead and Solesvik, 2016), which has motivated calls for gender-sensitive approaches in entrepreneurship education (Hintikka et al., 2022; Hogenstijn and Cuypers, 2023).
In this study, entrepreneurship education provided in schools is considered a formal context, while social environments such as family, hobbies and peer interactions are defined as informal contexts (see, e.g. Folkestad, 2006; Souto-Otero, 2021). In this article the entrepreneurship potential refers to a combination of entrepreneurial knowledge, skills and attitudes developed through social interaction, which may eventually lead to entrepreneurial activity. This precedes entrepreneurial intention and is suitable to use when examining adolescents, who may show entrepreneurial interest without yet forming entrepreneurial intentions or engaging in entrepreneurial actions (e.g. Krueger et al., 1994; Santos et al., 2013; Shapero, 1975).
Research into entrepreneurship education has paid limited attention to younger learners (e.g. Banha et al., 2022; Liguori et al., 2019) and only a few studies have examined how informal social contexts shape entrepreneurship potential (Jayawarna et al., 2014; Virlia et al., 2019). Therefore, this quantitative study investigates how formal and informal contexts are associated with the entrepreneurship potential of 15-year-old girls in Finland (N = 13,171). Rather than only addressing a gap in the literature, the study challenges the assumption that entrepreneurship education is most effectively delivered solely through formal school settings. The central research question is: How are different social contexts associated with the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls?
By examining informal environments, the study provides new insights into factors associated with entrepreneurship potential in adolescence. It extends the theoretical understanding by analysing both formal and informal contexts together. This approach questions traditional boundaries of entrepreneurship education and supports a more holistic view of how entrepreneurship potential emerges. Moreover, unlike many previous studies focused on higher education (e.g. Mwasalwiba, 2010), this research highlights adolescent girls who are a target group often overlooked in the entrepreneurship education literature.
As Meyer et al. (2017) note, changes in stereotypes are likely to appear earliest among young people, making their perspectives in research essential. Further, perceptions of entrepreneurship formed in these everyday adolescent environments later shape adults' intentions. Hence, understanding how such perceptions emerge during adolescence is crucial (e.g. Adamus et al., 2021). Studying the entrepreneurship potential of girls thus offers insight into the early processes that may later reproduce gender gaps in entrepreneurship. Practically, this study informs the planning and implementation of entrepreneurship education by supporting the development of more inclusive, gender-sensitive programmes that better engage girls and help reduce gender disparities in entrepreneurship. This study also responds to calls for further research on the role of hobbies in entrepreneurial development (Virlia et al., 2019), providing new evidence on how multiple social contexts shape entrepreneurial orientations.
The article proceeds as follows: first, the theoretical background and key concepts are presented; next, the results of the analysis are outlined; finally, the results, limitations and directions for future research are discussed.
The theoretical framework and the hypotheses development
Entrepreneurship potential
In this article, entrepreneurship potential refers to the early motivational, cognitive and social dispositions that may precede entrepreneurial intentions and action (Aparicio et al., 2021; Curral et al., 2013; Henderson and Robertson, 2000; Sexton and Bowman, 1983). Raab et al. (2005) link several traits to entrepreneurship potential, including the need for achievement (McClelland, 1961), risk taking (Brockhaus, 1980), tolerance for ambiguity (Schere, 1982), locus of control (Boyd and Vozikis, 1994) and problem-solving abilities (Hsieh et al., 2007; Mueller and Thomas, 2001; McClelland, 1961; Markman and Baron, 2003). Building on this tradition, Santos et al. (2013) conceptualise entrepreneurship potential as consisting of four dimensions: entrepreneurial motivations and psychological, social and management competencies including self-efficacy (Bandura, 1977, 1997) and vision (Baum et al., 1998), for example.
These dispositions do not develop uniformly, as entrepreneurship potential emerges within and through multiple social, institutional and spatial contexts (Welter, 2011). Further, sociocultural and identity-oriented theories highlight how participation in everyday practices shapes learning, self-beliefs and role expectations (Rogoff et al., 2016; Wenger, 2009). A substantial body of research shows that these contexts are gendered. Adolescents grow up in environments where entrepreneurship is often framed as a masculine domain (Gupta et al., 2009; Dioneo-;Adetayo, 2006; Laguía et al., 2019; Meyer et al., 2017), shaping how they interpret their own abilities and the extent to which they view entrepreneurship as a viable path. Taken together, prior research suggests that entrepreneurship potential is socially constructed and shaped by gendered socialisation, which makes it essential to investigate how adolescent girls' potential develops within the formal and informal contexts they navigate (Martín;Gutiérrez et al., 2025).
Entrepreneurship education in school context
In the school context formal entrepreneurship education aims to develop entrepreneurial skills, knowledge and attitude (e.g. Bacigalupo et al., 2016; Chen, 1998; Mwasalwiba, 2010; Sirelkhatim and Gangi, 2015; Mitchelmore and Rowley, 2010; Pavković et al., 2018; Obschonka et al., 2023; Politis and Gabrielsson, 2015; Saptono, 2018). Common entrepreneurship education methods include aspects such as business plan development, company visits and entrepreneurship-related discussions in the classroom (e.g. Politis and Gabrielsson, 2015; Mitchelmore and Rowley, 2010; Pavković et al., 2018; Saptono, 2018).
There are conflicting results on the effectiveness of entrepreneurship education. Athayde (2009) found that participation in entrepreneurship education programmes increased the entrepreneurship potential of teenagers. On the contrary, Nabi et al. (2017) found that entrepreneurship education did not produce competence development. Further, concerns remain about the effectiveness of entrepreneurship education in promoting girls' interest in entrepreneurship (e.g. Hintikka et al., 2022; van Ewijk and Belghiti-Mahut, 2019; Pimpa, 2021). On the other hand, research by Nowiński et al. (2019) revealed that, although female students tended to have lower entrepreneurial intentions and self-confidence, they may benefit more from entrepreneurship education than male students.
Previous research has criticised entrepreneurship education for overlooking individual differences in competence development (see, e.g. Hytti, 2018; Salavou et al., 2021; Sweida and Tallman, 2021) and role models, for example, have been shown to have a stronger impact on entrepreneurial intentions among girls than among boys (Laviolette et al., 2012). Exposure to entrepreneurs can broaden perceptions of women's fit with entrepreneurship (Meyer et al., 2017). On the other hand, the use of stereotypical role models in entrepreneurship education may reduce girls' interest in the topic (see, e.g. Johansen and Foss, 2013).
To study the association between entrepreneurship education and the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls, we state following hypothesis:
Entrepreneurship education is positively associated with the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls.
Entrepreneurial family background
Several previous studies have shown that the children of entrepreneurs have a greater interest in entrepreneurship than other children (see, e.g. Campo-;Ternera et al., 2022; Lindquist et al., 2015; Scott and Twomey, 1988). Consistent with this, Steenekamp et al. (2011) found that entrepreneurial parents positively influenced the entrepreneurial attitudes of young people aged 13–30, and Luis-;Rico et al. (2020) reported similar results.
It is argued that an entrepreneurial family context supports the development of entrepreneurship potential through parental role models and different forms of support provided at home (Schmitt;Rodermund, 2004; Scott and Twomey, 1988). Bandura's (1977, 1997) social cognitive theory explains these links by emphasising observation, information processing and interaction with significant others as mechanisms through which young people internalise such behaviours. When parental behaviours appear relatable and attainable, adolescents are more likely to recognise them as relevant models for themselves.
Previous studies have indicated that the roles of mothers and fathers are associated with how adolescents orient themselves towards entrepreneurship (Matthews and Moser, 1996; Schoon and Duckworth, 2012), although these associations may vary by gender. For example, Kickul et al. (2008) found that entrepreneurial parenting was positively connected with girls' entrepreneurial orientations but not for boys. Similarly, Hopp et al. (2019) reported gendered transmission patterns in entrepreneurial knowledge and attitudes, typically from father to son and from mother to daughter. Parental self-employment is linked with young men's entrepreneurial interest, whereas for young women, parental socioeconomic resources appear particularly relevant (Schoon and Duckworth, 2012; Van Auken et al., 2006).
To further investigate the association between an entrepreneurial family and the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls, we propose the following hypothesis:
The entrepreneurial family context is positively associated with the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls.
Hobbies and entrepreneurship potential
Various hobby contexts have been linked with entrepreneurial competencies: sports involvement is associated with working-life skills (Gould and Carson, 2008; Hindle et al., 2021), musical engagement with entrepreneurial identity formation (Hietanen and Ruismäki, 2016), and craft-based hobbies with entrepreneurial competencies (Scott and Twomey, 1988; Virlia et al., 2019). These associations relate to intrinsic motivation and social interaction, which provide contexts for building social competence, perseverance and opportunities for observing role models (Holt et al., 2017; Hong et al., 1993; Mahoney et al., 2009; Simpkins et al., 2010).
Padilla-Angulo et al. (2023) found that positive attitudes of female higher-education students towards entrepreneurship related to their close social circles and leisure-time activities. This suggests that hobbies may serve as contexts that align with girls' identity exploration and social acceptance of entrepreneurship. Further, hobbies have been found to be related to self-efficacy, problem-solving abilities and time management (Belošević and Ferić, 2022; Cardon et al., 2009; Milgram et al., 1997). In informal contexts, individuals may encounter opportunities to identify possibilities, set goals, build self-esteem, and experiment with innovative thinking (Cresswell et al., 2003; Hietanen and Ruismäki, 2016; Shaw et al., 1995; Virlia et al., 2019).
Based on this, we state the following hypothesis:
Hobbies are positively associated with the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls.
Peer to peer learning
Peer influence on the development of entrepreneurial skills, knowledge and attitudes has been examined to some extent. For example, Kiradoo (2018) reported that peer-to-peer entrepreneurship training can be more effective than traditional classroom instruction in terms of enhancing the entrepreneurship potential of learners. Additionally, conversations with friends are found to shape attitudes and ways of thinking (e.g. Portyanko et al., 2023), and social interaction is widely recognised as essential for learning (Hurst et al., 2013). Meaningful dialogue among learners has been found to enhance knowledge, critical thinking and problem-solving skills (Hurst et al., 2013), all of which are connected to entrepreneurship potential (e.g. Raab et al., 2005).
Methods used in entrepreneurship education also frequently encourage collaboration, joint activity and peer-based interaction (e.g. Rodriguez and Lieber, 2020). Such discussions among friends take place not only during leisure time but also within school contexts as part of formal entrepreneurship education. What is central is that these interactions create opportunities for social exchange through which ideas and understandings emerge. Previous research has further shown that the interplay between formal and informal learning is complex, challenging traditional binary distinctions between learning environments, but the integration of informal elements into formal education has been shown to enhance learning outcomes (e.g. Engeström and Käyhkö, 2021; Chang et al., 2012). This perspective aligns with sociocultural and constructivist theories, which emphasise the role of social interaction, context and learner agency in knowledge construction (see, e.g. Bandura, 1977, 1997; Rogoff, 2003; Rogoff et al., 2016).
To further examine the association between peer discussions and entrepreneurship potential, we state the following hypothesis:
Discussions with friends are positively associated with the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls.
The method and data
The data for this study were collected in Finland in 2020, 2021 and 2022 using the same online survey instrument in each round. During the survey rounds, the respondents consisted of 15-year-olds. They completed a browser-based questionnaire at school under teacher supervision. The Finnish National Agency for Education distributed the survey link to schools.
The survey consisted of 35 items: nine background questions and 26 Likert-scale statements (1 = “I totally disagree”, 5 = “I totally agree”). Its quality was ensured through a participatory development process involving approximately 260 students, their teachers, school principals and key stakeholders. A pilot study (Omrani et al., 2019) conducted prior to the first data collection (N = 2,800) assessed internal consistency using Cronbach's alpha and examined response distributions with descriptive statistics and a frequency analysis (see, e.g. Podsakoff et al., 2003).
A description of the respondents
The total number of the respondents in this research is 13,171. Most of the respondents (88.1%) had a regular hobby. The most popular hobbies were sports (62.3%), music (24.7%) and taking care of a pet (34.3%). E-games were also quite popular (i.e. 14.9% of the respondents played e-games regularly). Further, 20.3% of the respondents considered reading to be a regular hobby and 26.1% considered drawing to be a regular hobby. Most of the respondents had one or two hobbies. Further, according to the Use of Time research conducted by Statistics Finland in 2019, 91% of Finnish people over the age of 10 have at least one hobby (Statistics Finland, n.d).
About half (54%) of the respondents had an entrepreneur in their family or close circle. Among the girls who responded that they had an entrepreneur in the family or in their close circle, 12.4% reported that their mother was an entrepreneur and 36.7% reported that their father was an entrepreneur. Approximately 3% of the respondents indicated that they had multiple family members working as entrepreneurs.
Independent variables
In this article, the following independent variables are used:
A hobby: The respondents were asked if they had a regular hobby. There were nine options for the type of hobby (music, sports, reading, drawing, volunteering for a voluntary organisation, e-games, keeping a blog and vlog, some other hobby, and the option “I don't have a regular hobby”). This study examines those who had a regular hobby and those who did not. This indicator is coded as 0 = “The respondent does not have a regular hobby”, 1 = “The respondent has a regular hobby”.
Family: The family's entrepreneurial background was measured with a question offering the following six response options: father, mother, siblings, grandparents, another close person or “There are no entrepreneurs in my family or close circle”. For this study, a dichotomous variable was used: “the respondent has an entrepreneur in their family or close circle” = 1 and “the respondent does not have an entrepreneur in their family or close circle” = 0.
Schools' entrepreneurship education: In the survey, the entrepreneurship education implemented by the respondent's school was investigated with two research statements. One refers to entrepreneurship-related discussions in school (“We often discuss issues related to entrepreneurship at school”) and the other to school–company cooperation (“We have a lot of cooperation with companies at our school”). These variables were rated on a five-point Likert scale (ranging from “I strongly agree” to “I strongly disagree”).
Entrepreneurship related discussions with friends (We often discuss issues related to entrepreneurship with friends). This variable was rated on a five-point Likert scale
Entrepreneurship related discussions at home. (We often discuss entrepreneurship at home). This variable was rated on a five-point Likert scale.
Grades in native language and mathematics (scale 4–10) are included in the analysis as control variables in all regression models to account for general academic proficiency of learners.
Dependent variables
In this article, ten dependent variables are used to describe individual entrepreneurship potential. The items are based on previous research literature, and the most important references are shown in Table 1. Table 1 also presents the mean values and standard deviation of the items. Although the distributions of all the variables are not perfectly symmetrical, the skewness and kurtosis values (skewness range: −1.36 to +0.18; kurtosis range: −0.58 to +2.55) remain within acceptable thresholds, allowing for the use of factor and regression analyses (see, e.g. Demir, 2022; Tabachnick and Fidell, 2013; Yap and Sim, 2011).
Data analysis
We conducted a factor analysis based on variables derived from the existing literature. This analysis enabled us to construct sum variables representing different dimensions of entrepreneurship potential (see, e.g. Raab et al., 2005). The factor analysis showed that the variables derived from the literature load onto the same factors, which supports their aggregation into sum variables (see Table 2).
The first sum variable, “entrepreneurial characteristics”, has a Cronbach's alpha of 0.720. The second, “the perception of entrepreneurship”, shows high internal consistency (α = 0.896). The third, “entrepreneurial knowledge”, demonstrates adolescent girls' understanding of entrepreneurship, with a Cronbach's alpha of 0.729. Subsequently, we employed a linear regression analysis to examine which factors are associated to entrepreneurship potential among adolescent girls. The regression analysis was used to assess the association between the different background factors across and the various dimensions of entrepreneurship potential.
Results
To test our hypotheses, we conducted linear regression analyses for each of the three sum variables. The results (see Tables 3–5) show that the family background, hobbies and peer interaction are all strongly, but differently, associated with the dimensions of entrepreneurship potential. Across all three models, informal social contexts had the strongest association with the girls' entrepreneurship potential. Formal school-based activities showed weaker and more variable associations, contributing modestly to entrepreneurial characteristics and perceptions, but more clearly to entrepreneurial knowledge.
The first model (SUM1: entrepreneurial characteristics, Table 3) was statistically significant and showed that informal social contexts showed the strongest associations with entrepreneurial characteristics. Entrepreneurship-related discussions at home and with friends were positively associated with entrepreneurial characteristics. Having a regular hobby also has a positive effect, while school-related factors such as entrepreneurship-related discussions at school (β = 0.024, p = 0.006) and school–company cooperation (β = 0.018, p = 0.034) were significant but showed smaller effects. An entrepreneurial family background was not significantly associated with SUM1 in this model (p = 0.211).
The second model (SUM2: perception of entrepreneurship, Table 4) was also significant. Informal discussions again showed the strongest associations: talking about entrepreneurship with friends and at home were the most influential predictors. An entrepreneurial family background showed a clear positive association, while having a regular hobby had a smaller but significant effect. In contrast, entrepreneurship-related discussions at school were negatively associated with perceptions of entrepreneurship (β = −0.062, p < 0.001), and school–company cooperation was not significant (p = 0.118) in this model.
The third model (SUM3: entrepreneurial knowledge, Table 5) shows that informal interactions have an association with the entrepreneurial potential of adolescent girls. Discussions at home and discussions with friends had the strongest associations. An entrepreneurial family background was also positively associated with entrepreneurial knowledge. Unlike in the model for perceptions, formal school-based activities showed positive associations with entrepreneurial knowledge. Entrepreneurship-related discussions at school and school–company cooperation were both significant predictors. Interestingly, regular hobbies were also associated positively with the entrepreneurial knowledge side of entrepreneurial potential.
Discussion
Our study examined how formal entrepreneurship education and informal social contexts are associated with the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls. The findings show that the entrepreneurship potential of girls was associated with multiple environments, with informal contexts linked to entrepreneurship potential even more strongly than formal, school-based entrepreneurship education. This challenges the school-based view of the development of entrepreneurship potential.
Interpreted through sociocultural and motivational theories, these findings align with the view that learning and identity formation emerge through participation in everyday practices (Bandura, 1977, 1997; Eccles et al., 1983; Wigfield and Eccles, 1992; Rogoff, 2003; Rogoff et al., 2016). This is something that needs to be acknowledged in the planning and implementation of entrepreneurship education. First, informal learning complements, and in some cases may even outweigh, the influence of structured school-based entrepreneurship education.
For example, conversations with friends can shape attitudes and ways of thinking (see also Hurst et al., 2013; Portyanko et al., 2023), and this interaction may positively or negatively influence the entrepreneurial potential of adolescent girls. Further, the family context creates entrepreneurial potential and affects the perception of entrepreneurship. The results of this study challenge the traditional emphasis on formal entrepreneurship education and instead support a sociocultural and experiential understanding in which entrepreneurship-related skills and dispositions arise as part of meaningful everyday participation. From this process-oriented perspective, the entrepreneurship potential is dynamic rather than fixed, which is especially relevant in early adolescence when identities and interests take shape. Girls may not only recognise but also actively create entrepreneurship potential through their engagement in informal contexts such as hobbies, peer relationships and family interactions.
Perceptions of who fits the entrepreneurial role are shaped by socially constructed gender stereotypes that often align entrepreneurship with a masculine norm (e.g. Gupta et al., 2009; Dioneo-Adetayo, 2006; Laguía et al., 2019; Meyer et al., 2017). Exposure to entrepreneurs in one's social environment can broaden perceptions of women's fit (Meyer et al., 2017), indicating that everyday interactions may either expand or constrain girls' entrepreneurial potential. Hence, the results of this study suggest that encouraging women to pursue entrepreneurship is unlikely to close the gender gap unless underlying masculine stereotypes are challenged already in childhood and adolescence. This underscores the importance of pedagogical choices and the role of the context and social learning in developing the entrepreneurship potential of girls throughout the entire school pathway. (see also Adamus et al., 2021.)
Building on these insights, we recommend that education policy and pedagogical practices explicitly recognize and address the gendered dynamics that shape the development of entrepreneurship potential. At the policy level, this means ensuring that entrepreneurship education frameworks encourage early exposure to diverse entrepreneurial pathways, integrate gender-sensitive pedagogical principles, and allocate resources for teacher training that supports the use of inclusive, learner-centered methods. Pedagogically, entrepreneurship education should move beyond uniform, one-size-fits-all models and adopt approaches that are responsive to learners' backgrounds, interests, and social environments. This includes designing learning environments that incorporate collaborative and experiential activities, and provide opportunities for girls to engage with relatable entrepreneurial role models. Such environments can counteract early socialization patterns that may otherwise restrict the development of entrepreneurship potential and help ensure that entrepreneurship education supports all learners more equitably.
This research contributes to entrepreneurship education theory formation by showing that the entrepreneurship potential of adolescent girls is strongly associated with informal social contexts. This broadens the research literature that has prioritized formal, school-based settings. Further, this research provides actionable implications for entrepreneurship education: recognizing and leveraging learners' strengths, interests, and social environments. When revealing factors associated with entrepreneurial potential it is possible to develop entrepreneurship education. Based on the results of this research, we suggest that future research should examine how the entrepreneurship potential girls develops longitudinally throughout the course and how formal and informal contexts interact to support or constrain it at different developmental stages (see also Schaper and Ettl, 2025). Additionally, more research is needed on learner agency in entrepreneurship education: how students can co-shape educational aims, content, and role model selection to align with their interests and values (e.g. Porfírio et al., 2023). Further research is also needed on how the family environment and interactions with peers contribute to the formation of negative perceptions of entrepreneurship, and how entrepreneurship education could effectively tackle these influences.
Based on the findings of this study, we recommend qualitative and quantitative studies examining how informal social contexts influence the entrepreneurial potential of young girls and how entrepreneurship education could narrow the gender gap in entrepreneurship by applying methods that encourage girls to explore entrepreneurial opportunities. This requires viewing skills acquisition in formal and informal contexts as interconnected and overlapping domains rather than as separate silos (e.g. Bourke et al., 2018; Folkestad, 2006; Nowiński et al., 2019; Hansen et al., 2003; Milgram et al., 1997; Sivan et al., 2019).
This research has some limitations. The data come entirely from one country constraining the generalizability to other cultural and educational contexts. Self-reported responses from adolescents may be subject to response and social desirability bias or question misinterpretation. Additionally, we acknowledge that individuals' self-perceptions of their academic competence may shape the ways in which adolescents appraise their abilities and engage with survey items (e.g. Omrani et al., 2019; Wigfield and Eccles, 1994). This is considered during the analysis. The cross-sectional design captures a snapshot in time and does not permit causal inference or the analysis of long-term developmental trajectories. Additionally, our regression models did not include control variables such as the family socioeconomic status or place of residence, which may be associated with variation in entrepreneurship potential.
