Informal economy and economic security among women engaging in Ogi production in selected rural communities in Kwara state, Nigeria

The economic potentials of macro and micro-enterprises among rural women in low-income settings have been highlighted in the existing literature on informal economies and gendered entrepreneurship (Mukherjee, 2023; Avenyo and Kraemer-Mbula, 2021). While these enterprises offer opportunities for income generation, they fail to provide long-term economic security. This may be connected to the precarious nature of the business (Igwe et al., 2017). Existing literature shows that limited access to credits, dearth of or inadequate infrastructure and low-profit margins among others constrain these businesses from transitioning from being survival strategies to sustainable livelihoods (Kabeer, 2005; Sen, 1999; Duflo, 2012). Many studies have examined the role of women in food production and how these informal economies can lead to gender empowerment (de Groot et al., 2017; Igwe et al., 2017). However, these studies often overlook more structural and deeper issues affecting the economic security of women in such contexts. Most of the existing studies largely focus on broader informal economy trends (Njuki et al., 2023; Jabeen et al., 2020). Studies on specific food-based enterprises, especially those with unique cultural significance, such as Ogi production, are lacking.

Imperatively, in-depth exploration of the socio-economic and gendered dynamics of Ogi production as a specific, informal food-based enterprise is limited (Idris-Adeniyi et al., 2021). In other words, while studies on informal economies are many, the specific case of Ogi business as a low-capital and culturally significant business run by rural women has not been studied within multiple and eclectic theoretical framework of human security theory, feminist political economy, social reproduction theory, the capabilities approach and intersectionality theory, as well as the critique of empowerment lite (Fontanel and Corvaisier-Drouart, 2014; Stavrevska, 2021; Bhattacharya et al., 2022; Sen, 1999; Nussbaum, 2000; Crenshaw, 1989; Cornwall, 2018). The fusion or integration of the above theories offers a robust, diverse and rich theoretical framework to understand the broader benefits and risks that women in informal economies encounter (Burgess and Gräns, 2012; Sen, 1999; Nussbaum, 2000; Crenshaw, 1989). This study fills the gap in the literature as it uses an eclectic or integrated theoretical framework to explore and analyse how Ogi business, as a livelihood strategy, addresses immediate economic needs and reflects broader economic vulnerabilities of women in rural Nigeria.

Using an eclectic or integrated theoretical framework, the study positions Ogi business as a strategy for mitigating economic insecurity and reveals the systemic and structural hindrances that may limit the ability of women to achieve sustainable economic security (Berebon, 2025; Ata-Agboni et al., 2024). The study accounts for how informal income-generating activities, such as Ogi business, are not mere survival tactics but also resilience mechanisms. Existing studies also show that income-generating activities among rural women may be constrained by structural factors such as lack of resources, skills and markets (Stokes et al., 2015). Essentially, the interplay between income insecurity, the capability for self-determination and the protection from economic shocks is highlighted in this study. These three concepts are reflected in the integrated theoretical framework adopted in this study. The study examines how the above dimensions affect rural women engaging in Ogi production.

Furthermore, moreover, the study contributes to policy as it identifies feasible and concrete interventions that can serve panacea to the specific vulnerabilities faced by women in the Ogi business. This reflects the need for gender-responsive policies. These policies should not only focus on economic inclusion but also on economic security. Such policies should drive access to low-cost technologies, strengthen cooperative networks and support financial literacy for women in rural settings. This study has the potential to bridge the gap between theory and practice. It advances the discourse on gender and informal economies. In addition, it contributes to the development of policies that protect and empower rural women.

A major tension is the definition of informal labour, especially for rural women. While some scholars frame it as a form of economic agency, others see it as a coping mechanism. From the survivalist perspective, it is argued that the engagement of women in informal labour is largely shaped by systemic or structural exclusion, such as poverty, lack of access to formal employment and state neglect. This frames the participation of women in the informal economy as reactionary and necessity-driven (Stavrevska, 2021; Ustek, 2015). However, the agency-oriented perspective sees engagement in informal economies as not merely survivalist but involves strategic or deliberate acts of economic agency and innovation, especially in constrained socio-cultural environments (Bamidele, 2022). From this, there is a danger in essentializing the roles of women in informal economies as either heroic entrepreneurs or passive victims. Looking at it from this dichotomous lens may oversimplify the nuanced and often ambivalent reality of rural women. These women often navigate multiple, intersecting forces such as aspirations for autonomy, cultural expectations and economic alienation.

Another key debate borders on the feminists' critique of the invisibility and devaluation of women's work in mainstream economic models. For instance, mainstream development models often consider micro-scale, feminised labour (such as small-scale food production) as economically insignificant. They frame it as marginal or supplementary rather than economically significant (Prasad, 2023). However, feminist political economy frames women's engagement in informal economies as critical and foundational to both social reproduction and economic systems (Stavrevska, 2021; Prasad, 2023). The women's underpaid or unpaid work, even though invisible in GDP calculations, is fundamental to both household and community survival. The contributions of rural women to economies remain largely unrecognized in development planning and policy despite their critical role in household and community survival. This underpins a systemic contradiction between economic recognition and economic function. In other words, the contributions of rural women are also crucial for the sustainability of economies.

Also, scholars have not reached a consensus on the role of culture and gender norms in shaping or structuring the access of women to and experience of informal work (Klugman and Morton, 2014; Fudge, 2014). For instance, traditional gender norms limit women to certain “acceptable” or “normative” types of work, such as food processing or caregiving (Fudge, 2014). This reflects and reinforces occupational segregation and alienation. On the other hand, the navigation by women of these norms (such as the assertion of agency via culturally acceptable informal enterprises) indicates a form of subtle negotiation and resistance (Klugman and Morton, 2014). There lies a paradox as women are both empowered and constrained by informal labour. In other words, while the informal economic activities that facilitate their economic participation may also reinforce their alienation within patriarchal structures (Meagher, 2011). This is especially the case when such labour is not culturally recognized or upwardly mobile.

Moreover, feminist economists maintain that women's informal labour is critical and integral to social reproduction, which is the unpaid household maintenance and unpaid care work that often sustain the labour force and society in broader terms (Bergeron, 2016; Mezzadri, 2020). Illustratively, Ogi production may not be just merely a livelihood but also a contribution to food security, household unity and child nutrition. Nevertheless, their contribution may be regarded as non-productive or defined as a private matter. This leads to disconnect between developmental policy focus and economic contribution. This suggests that the economic activities of women are invisible and at the same time indispensable. Also, feminist critiques posit that the epistemologies of mainstream economics are gender-biased (Sent and van Staveren, 2019). They fail to account for the full spectrum of economic activity, especially the informal and reproductive work mostly performed by women. This implies that development models rooted in neo-liberal or formal-sector-focused paradigms either under-theorize or marginalize the very sectors in which most rural women engage. This shows a contradiction between what is known and what is acted upon during policy-making.

One of the major debates at the centre of social reproduction theory (Fraser, 2016; Bhattacharya et al., 2022) is the argument that capitalist economies rely on, but systematically devalue, reproductive labour. Based on the existing literature, most of this labour is unpaid and feminised. This reflects the experiences of women engaging in Ogi production in rural Nigeria. For instance, Ogi is a commodified product often sold in local markets. Thus, it contributes to household income. On the other hand, it is prepared in domestic spaces, where tools and routines overlap with household management and caregiving. This dichotomy blurs the boundary between unpaid social care and market-oriented production. This reinforces its invisibility in both development policy and economic statistics. The major issue is that although Ogi production sustains both the household and the community, it is framed and treated as non-economic or marginal by dominant, existing economic models.

Some scholars, such as Fraser (2016) and Hester and Srnicek (2017), posit that acknowledging and recognizing social reproduction is fundamental not only for justice and fairness but for the sustainability of society and the economy. Nevertheless, activities such as Ogi production are neither visible nor properly valued in current policy and data frameworks. The integration of care work and economic production of women in informal spaces complicates neat policy categorizations. This leads to the systematic omission of their contributions. This culminates in a paradox where what is most essential for societal survival (such as care and reproduction) is least acknowledged or recognized. Consequently, rural women's labour becomes structurally undervalued. Also, their material needs remain peripheral in development planning and policy development.

Another debate borders on domestic space versus economic space. From social reproduction theory, the theoretical insight is that the home is more than just a private space; it is also a site of economic productivity. The liberal economic divide between “productive” public labour and “non-productive” domestic work is confronted by the feminist critique. In the context of Ogi business, the domestic sphere serves as both a space of social reproduction (such as care, cooking) and a space of economic production (preparing and selling goods). However, economic models and labour metrics fail to acknowledge and see the household as a site of economic activity despite the above overlapping functions. This erases the labour of women working within it. This epistemological oversight is a direct consequence of gendered assumptions in economic thought.

In another debate, it is argued that capitalism relies fundamentally on the daily renewal of labour power (Bhattacharya et al., 2022). This is made possible via social reproduction (such as health, care or food). Despite this, this labour is still outsourced to women without adequate recognition, remuneration and support. By engaging in Ogi business, rural women are not just earning income but also reproducing the conditions for survival socio-culturally and nutritionally. Thus, this dynamic produces what Nancy Fraser (2016) describes as a “crisis of care”, which indicates the erosion of reproductive capacities due to the very systems that rely on them. Rural women's labour becomes increasingly commercialized, yet not supported. In other words, it is valued as a commodity but not as care.

Also, the narrow economic focus on income generation is challenged (Hester and Srnicek, 2017; Backer and Cairns, 2021). Thus, scholars and policy-makers are urged to find answers to broader questions of how women sustain life and under what conditions. As mentioned, Ogi production is not a mere entrepreneurial activity; it is also about nourishing children, ensuring household food security and maintaining culture. This debate implies that focusing largely on income or GDP obscures the above broader contributions. Also, it reduces development planning to instrumental rationalities and ignores the deeper socio-emotional and cultural work women are doing via such practices.

Development programmes and mainstream entrepreneurship often equate empowerment with economic gain, such as income generation, micro-loans or small-scale business ownership. However, Amartya Sen (1999) and Martha Nussbaum (2000), through the Capabilities Approach, posit that true empowerment transcends income. What people are actually able to do and be should be considered as their real freedoms. Based on these scholars, empowerment should be about enabling people to live lives they value, which includes autonomy, self-respect, participation and the ability to make meaningful choices. In the context of this study, while women engaging in Ogi business may earn income, the question of whether it translates into greater freedom, recognition and control over their lives remains unresolved. This creates a tension between substantive empowerment (capabilities) and instrumental empowerment (income). Programmes that stress only income generation may ignore the multidimensional realities of women's lives, where lack of infrastructure, social constraints and cultural norms often hamper the achievement of broader capabilities.

Also, another debate borders on the critique of empowerment as context-dependent. For instance, Formosa and Mackenzie (2014) and Saigaran et al. (2015) argue that capabilities are both personal and environmental, as they depend on supportive ecosystems, social institutions and infrastructure. In this context, while Ogi production may provide economic returns, lack of access to training, market access, clean water or electricity may hinder the women's ability to expand or scale their enterprises. In addition, their decision-making power within households or communities may be limited by patriarchal norms even if they are earning income. This creates a major contradiction because while women are expected to “empower themselves” through entrepreneurship, they often operate within disempowering conditions that remain static. The burden of empowerment shifts unfairly onto individuals without systemic and structural change.

Furthermore, Cornwall (2018) critiques what the author refers to as “empowerment lite”. This is a diluted, depoliticized version of empowerment that focuses on individual capacity-building (such as microfinance or training) without addressing the systemic and structural roots of inequality, such as land rights, institutional alienation and discriminatory norms, among others. While a woman may be given a loan or technical skills, she may still lack control over resources. The lack of control over resources may exclude her from decision-making or she may face violence and stigma. This makes such an empowerment superficial. The assumption of the model is that empowerment naturally follows once resources are provided. However, as argued by Stewart (2013), empowerment is multifaceted, as it involves shifts in social cognition, community power relations and household dynamics, rather than just access to capital.

In addition, empowerment is tied to how women's existing roles and burdens are reconfigured (Gerard, 2022). The triple burden of engaging in caregiving, income generation and community labour still remains a major concern. Although engaging in informal businesses (such as Ogi production) may lead to financial autonomy, the added responsibility may intensify their daily load, particularly in the absence of support and infrastructure. The consequence of this is that entrepreneurship may become a paradoxical site of empowerment and exploitation, where women are acknowledged and praised as resilient and enterprising and, at the same time, made to bear the cost of survival with little institutional support. Moreover, the capabilities approach stimulates some questions, such as what are women able to be and do through Ogi business, how do systemic and structural factors/conditions enable or constrain their choices or decisions, and whether their economic participation liberates or limits them in the broader sense. These questions divert the focus from outputs (how much do they earn?) to outcomes and freedoms (how has their life changed?). Critically, the development intervention rarely asks the above deeper questions, which often lead to quantitative metrics (such as income, number of businesses started). This overshadows qualitative experiences such as confidence, autonomy, safety and community recognition.

It is argued that development efforts should move beyond the “empowerment lite” to truly empower rural women engaging in informal enterprises such as Ogi production. Policymakers should recognize that empowerment is multifaceted and not reducible to income. Also, they should recognize that capabilities are socio-politically determined rather than merely individually held. In addition, structural change should be recognized rather than just resource transfer. Thus, empowerment should be framed and understood as a process of expanding real freedoms. This includes, but is not limited to, economic gains. Also, it is expected to involve questioning and restructuring the conditions under which rural women live and work.

It should be mentioned that sustainability discourse and mainstream environmental policy often exclude informal, small-scale enterprises, especially those dominated by women. Scholars such as Meinzen-Dick et al. (2014) and Elmhirst and Resurreccion (2012) stress how environmental analyses are frequently biased toward large-scale, formal industries. They tend to ignore micro-level, gendered production processes such as Ogi production. Ogi making, even though small-scale, entails resource-intensive processes, particularly in water use and firewood consumption for boiling. In communities that are ecologically fragile, these practices, if not properly managed, may lead to water scarcity, pollution and deforestation. Feminised sectors are absent in policy frameworks aimed at environmental protection despite their environmental footprint. This seems paradoxical, especially where women are both contributors to and victims of environmental degradation, and yet, they are marginalized in formal sustainability discourse.

There is also debate regarding whether women are environmental managers or environmental burden bearers. For instance, eco-feminist and political ecology scholars posit that rural women are not merely labourers, but also environmental stewards. They draw on indigenous knowledge and caregiving practices to manage resources responsibly (Nightingale, 2006). For instance, women engaged in Ogi production may recycle water, reuse firewood or innovate with more sustainable techniques. Nevertheless, they are always compelled to compensate for degraded environments, bearing health impacts from smoke and walking longer distances for water or fuel. The duality of identity, as sustainability actors and victims, remains under-theorized. Although women are positioned as critical to sustainability, they are rarely empowered with technologies, tools and policy platforms to support their environmental role. The local knowledge of rural women is undervalued, and their environmental labour still remains largely invisible in both economic analysis and sustainability science.

Also, human security and eco-feminist literature (Odrowaz-Coates, 2021; Murphy and Parry, 2021) emphasize that environmental risk is unevenly distributed as it is mediated by social class, labour roles, gender and geography. Most rural women often live in ecologically precarious areas and are disproportionately exposed and vulnerable to environmental harm, such as deforestation as a result of firewood gathering and the physical toll of water sourcing. These risks are worsened by labour expectations that connect women to both care work and production. This makes them the first to respond to environmental shocks without commensurate support. It could be argued that adaptation programmes and environmental policies are more likely to focus on technical solutions; they tend to ignore the gendered dimensions of environmental labour and vulnerability. Existing interventions always reinforce gendered disparities in sustainability outcomes rather than reducing them.

In addition, there is a debate regarding the emerging critique that challenges the assumption that small-scale or home-based enterprises are inherently sustainable (Philip and Williams, 2019). Although Ogi production is a small-scale business, the aggregate environmental impact across households and communities may be significant. This could be evident in the areas of wastewater management, local air quality and biomass energy consumption. It is argued that small-scale does not necessarily equate to low-impact without investment in clean technologies, training and institutional support. The above debate de-emphasizes the framing of small-scale rural livelihoods as automatically sustainable. Rather, it stresses the need to engage with the complex trade-offs that rural women face, which are between meeting household needs and reducing environmental harm. Also, feminist environmental scholars are advocating for inclusive governance models that incorporate the voices, practices and knowledge systems of women into sustainability planning (Elmhirst and Resurreccion, 2012). Moreover, environmental programmes always adopt top-down models, which fail to integrate or consult those most affected, such as rural women whose livelihoods depend on environmental resources. The major concern lies between global sustainability goals (such as SDGs) that stress equity, fairness and inclusion and local realities, where informal women workers are alienated from decision-making processes. True environmental justice necessitates redistributing power, not just resources or information.

The above discussion reveals how informal labour, gender and environmental sustainability are deeply connected. A feminist, eco-political perspective on sustainability influences scholars and policymakers to acknowledge the invisible environmental labour of rural women, invest in gender-sensitive, low-impact technologies and training. Also, it encourages them to recognize that sustainability is not just ecological, but also social and gendered, as well as includes informal enterprises in local and national sustainability planning. The transition from technocratic to justice-oriented sustainability is fundamental if rural women are to be perceived not only as informal workers but as critical actors in influencing and shaping resilient, equitable environmental futures.

This study integrates five frameworks (human security theory, feminist political economy, social reproduction theory, the capabilities approach and intersectionality). These frameworks provide a multifaceted lens to examine women's engagement in Ogi production as a pathway to economic security. They are chosen for this study because of their complementary strengths in addressing the structural, gendered and intersecting dimensions of informal economies in rural Nigeria. Essentially, key concepts from each framework are critically explored, and this is followed by their integration.

Human Security Theory: Human security theory shifts the focus from state-centric security to people-centred well-being. It emphasizes protection from chronic threats such as inequality and poverty (Leaning and Arie, 2000; Andersen-Rodgers and Crawford, 2022). In the context of this study, the relevant concept is economic security, which is one of its seven dimensions. This concept entails access to basic resources, income stability and resilience against shocks such as unemployment or market fluctuations (McDonald, 2002; Liotta and Owen, 2006). This includes not just financial stability, skills training, market access and financial inclusion to mitigate vulnerabilities. In this study, economic security is applied to rural women's informal activities. It highlights how Ogi production may provide short-term income but fails to shield against broader economic precarity due to systemic neglect in rural settings.

Feminist Political Economy: Feminist political economy critiques how economic systems are inherently gendered. This indicates power relations that perpetuate exploitation through divisions of labour (Bergeron, 2016; Prasad, 2023). One of its core concepts is the “gendered division of labour”, which implies a situation where women are disproportionately assigned to low-paid, informal or unpaid roles. Also, the concept denotes the interplay between production (market-oriented work) and reproduction (care work). It is argued that reproduction sustains capitalism, but it is devalued (Mezzadri, 2020). This framework shows how mainstream economic models disregard unpaid care as foundational to economies. This leads to wage gaps, labour market discrimination and occupational segregation (Sent and van Staveren, 2019). In the context of this study, this framework is used to analyse Ogi production as a feminised informal sector where women's labour is fundamental but marginalized, which reinforces economic alienation in patriarchal rural settings.

Social Reproduction Theory: Social reproduction theory looks at how capitalism depends on the daily renewal of labour power through unpaid or underpaid work, which is often shouldered by women, especially in patriarchal settings (Bhattacharya et al., 2022; Fraser, 2016). One of its key concepts is the “crisis of care”. This shows how neoliberal systems erode reproductive capacities, such as household maintenance and child-rearing, without support. Also, it blurs the boundaries between paid and unpaid activities, which leads to exploitation (Mezzadri, 2020; Hester and Srnicek, 2017). While most economic models consider social reproduction as peripheral, this theory posits that it is critical and integral to economic systems. Despite its criticality, it is downplayed in GDP and policy. In this study, Ogi production signifies how rural women's economic activities overlap with caregiving. While they sustain households and communities through their activities, their intensified burdens are neither recognized nor remunerated.

Capabilities Approach: The capabilities approach was developed by Amartya Sen (1999) and Martha Nussbaum (2000). It redefines development as expanding real freedoms, that is, what people can actually do and be rather than mere income or resources. Some of the core concepts include functionings and capabilities. Functionings imply achieving well-being, while capabilities denote opportunities to achieve valued functionings. It emphasizes agency, dignity and context-dependent factors such as social institutions and infrastructure (Alkire, 2005; Formosa and Mackenzie, 2014). The list of central capabilities by Nussbaum (such as affiliation and bodily integrity) underscores how capabilities are socio-politically shaped. This framework critiques “empowerment lite” (Cornwall, 2018), which is a diluted, neoliberal version of empowerment that focuses on individual gains (such as micro-loans) without addressing systemic or structural roots, such as power imbalances or discriminatory norms. In this study, it is used to examine whether Ogi production enhances women's freedoms beyond income. Also, it analyses whether constraints limit substantive empowerment.

Intersectionality: Intersectionality is articulated by Crenshaw (1989). It was later expanded by Collins (2022). This framework examines how multiple axes of oppression, such as class, rurality, income level, race/ethnicity and gender, intersect to shape experiences of power and marginalization. One of its core concepts is Collins' “matrix of domination”, which comprises four domains of power. These are: (1) structural (institutional arrangements like laws and markets that allocate resources unequally); (2) disciplinary (bureaucratic rules enforcing compliance); (3) cultural (ideologies normalizing inequality); and (4) interpersonal (everyday interactions reproducing bias) (Collins, 2022). This matrix addresses political economy as it links structural power to economic exploitation. It shows how intersecting identities increase or worsen vulnerabilities. In the context of this study, it shows how rural women's class, gender and rurality intersect with Ogi production. This exacerbates economic insecurity through limited access to resources and markets.

The above five frameworks are integrated to form an eclectic lens that debunks mainstream theorizations of women's entrepreneurship, which is often portrayed as a neoliberal panacea for empowerment through individual agency and market participation. While human security offers the overarching people-centred focus on economic vulnerabilities, feminist political economy and social reproduction theory address the gendered exploitation in labour divisions and reproductive burdens that underpin informal work, such as Ogi production. The capabilities approach, which critiques “empowerment lite”, shifts emphasis from income to real freedoms. Lastly, intersectionality's matrix of domination integrates structural power across all and shows how oppressions intersect to limit capabilities. Collectively, while Ogi business is viewed as a survival strategy, it is constrained by systemic inequalities. It challenges individualistic entrepreneurship narratives as it foregrounds collective, structural transformations required to achieve true economic security and empowerment.

The study was conducted in Ilorin East Local Government Area (LGA) of Kwara. The LGA of the local government is Oke Oyi located about 16 km from Ilorin, the state capital. It is located between Latitudes 80 and 150 North and Longitudes 40 and 50 East. It shares boundaries with Ilorin South, Ilorin West, Moro and Ifelodun LGAs. It lies within the tropical wet and dry climate. The rainy season often starts from the end of March and ends in October; while the dry season is between November and February. The land is fertile as it is made of ferruginous and crystalline acid soils. Asa, Oyun, Agba and Alalubosa are the major rivers in the LGA. Its total population was 207,462 (Federal Government of Nigeria, 2009). Yoruba and Fulani are the major ethnic groups in the area. The major occupation is farming and food processing. There is a connection between agriculture and Ogi business in the study area. The major agricultural produce includes maize, sorghum and millet, which are the major ingredients of Ogi.

While the majority of men engage in farming (important agricultural products include maize, sorghum, cassava, soya bean, locust bean), more than half of women specialize in food processing, such as Ogi business. Ogi business is popular in the selected communities because maize is one of the important agricultural products in the selected communities. Also, there is a considerably high demand for it as residents consume as a breakfast cereal and as a weaning food for children. It is cheap and good source of carbohydrates. It is a lactic acid fermented product made from maize, sorghum or millet. Ogi is traditionally produced and marketed as a wet cake wrapped in leaves or transparent polythene bags. The production of Ogi is shown in Figure 1. During our visit to the selected communities, we observed that they washed the dry corn thoroughly and soaked it in a generous quantity of cold water for three to four days. They washed the corn and changed the water daily. On the third or fourth day, they washed and milled. They draped the chiffon cloth over a big bowl and tied it up. The bowl was big enough to accommodate the Ogi and the water used to rinse it. Afterwards, the milled corn was sieved and rinsed until only the shafts were left.

Furthermore, also, the study was timely against the backdrop of the perceived failure of the National Women's Economic Empowerment (WEE) Policy and Action Plan in Nigeria spanning the period of 2023–2028 (PolicyVault, 2023). While the aim of this policy is to boost women's participation in the economy through structural reforms and sector-specific interventions, it appears that rural women are neglected. This study is imperative as it calls the attention of the policy-makers in Nigeria and other relevant stakeholders about the challenges and opportunities for women rural entrepreneurs.

The study is anchored on two major research questions: what drive rural women into Ogi business and does engagement of rural women in Ogi business lead to the achievement of economic security? This section is presented in sub-sections as follows:

Research Philosophy: The study adopted an interpretivist approach to explore the socio-economic dynamics of Ogi business in rural Nigeria. Interpretivism is a philosophical stance which emphasizes the co-construction of meaning between the researcher and participants. It focuses on the subjective experiences and social realities of participants (Denzin and Lincoln, 2011). Based on this, the data collection and interpretation process was informed and direction by the goal to understand lived experienced and perceptions of the participants on their economic activities. During in-depth interviews, the participants were actively engaged by the researchers. The goal was to co-construct meaning with the participants as they were allowed to reflect on and explain their own understandings of the opportunities and challenges associated with Ogi business. This philosophical approach ensured a more nuanced interpretation of how women navigate economic vulnerabilities as well as the strategies they employed to address those constraints.

Participants: The population of the study is the women engaging in Ogi production in Sentu, Oke Ose, Oke Oyi, Panada, Apapado, Iponrin, Marafa, Lajiki, Pepele and Ajelende rural communities. The study was conducted in 10 communities. These communities were purposively selected based on certain criteria such as geographic spread, density of Ogi businesses and the cultural significance of Ogi businesses to the communities. Based on this, a broad representation of the varying socio-economic conditions where the Ogi business takes place was ensured. The sample size was determined based on the principle of saturation. Using this principle, data collection was continued until no new major themes emerged (Guest et al., 2006). Snowballing was used to select five Ogi makers in each of the selected communities. The total sample size for this study was 50. Although snowballing sampling was used to identify participants for this study, it was acknowledged that this method has limitations, such as introducing potential homogeneity of responses or community bias. Consequently, the researchers made efforts to select diverse participants based on experience, age and business size to mitigate the above biases. The researchers and their research assistants met each participant in their respective communities to observe how and where the Ogi production is taking place. Socio-demographic profiles of the participants are shown in Table 1, as follows:

Instrument: In-depth interviews and observation were used to collect data from the participants. A thematic structure was used as a guide to develop the interview guide. This is to ensure that key topics related to empowerment, resilience and economic vulnerability were properly addressed. Two experts in qualitative research reviewed and certified the interviewed guide. This is important to ensure relevance and clarity. In addition, pilot interviews were conducted with five women from a nearby rural community. This assisted the researchers to refine the interview questions and clarifying ambiguous questions before the commencement of the major interviews. With the consent of the participants, interviews were audio-recorded. This ensured that accurate data was collected. Transcriptions were carefully done by the researcher to ensure that the responses of the participants were captured verbatim. This reflected the authenticity of their perspectives. For the in-depth interview, participants were asked questions such as “why are they engaging in Ogi business?”; “what are the socio-economic benefits of engaging in Ogi business?; what are the modern equipments required to modernize production process of Ogi?”; “what are the environmental sustainability issues in Ogi business?” among others. Each interview took 60 min on average to get in-depth information from the participant. Importantly, the questions were open-ended to allow flexibility in the process. Then, the researchers observed where and how the production is taking place.

Data analysis: The study adopted a thematic analysis approach. Interview transcripts were manually coded to identify recurring themes. The researchers inductively developed a coding scheme. This was based on the data itself, with clear emphasis on capturing the nuances of participants' views and experiences. The manual method was used to organize and manage the data. Inter-coder reliability was established to ensure the credibility of the findings. The second author independently coded a subset of transcripts and followed by a discussion to address differences. In addition, member checking was carried out as the summary of the findings was shared with a subset of participants for validation. This is necessary as it enabled participants to provide feedback and ensured that their views were properly and accurately captured and represented in the analysis. Data gathered through in-depth interviews were analysed by applying the 6-stage of coding process developed by Braun and Clarke (2006). These stages are: immersing in the data, generating initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes and producing the report. The researchers immersed themselves in the data to familiarize with the collected data. To immerse, the researchers meticulously, carefully and repeatedly read the transcripts. Then, initial codes were created; and from different codes generated from the data, themes were searched. Three major themes were developed: (1) why rural women engage in Ogi making business; (2) socio-economic benefits of engaging in Ogi business; and (3) environmental sustainability issues in Ogi business.

Positionality: The researchers were outsiders to the communities studied. As outsiders, they paid attention to the influence of their positionality on the research process. The researchers remained reflexive throughout the data collection and analysis stages to ensure that power dynamics did not play out in the researcher-participant relationship. Also, the researcher acknowledged their own social identity and background and how they could shape their interactions with participants. Biases are more likely to be mitigated with the above self-awareness. The whole essence is to ensure that the data collection process remained grounded in the perspectives of the participants rather than being influenced by their own expectations and preconceptions of the researchers.

Results are presented in the following themes:

This theme presents results on why rural women are engaging in Ogi-making business as a source of livelihood. Forty-two participants were driven by economic necessity and the need to fulfil basic responsibilities. They expressed that Ogi making presents them an opportunity for economic security as it enables them to generate income and contribute financially to their households. Some of them argued they need to engage in Ogi making business to support their families as their husbands' incomes are insufficient to cater for their basic family needs. Also, some participants expressed that their husbands had migrated to major cities in search of greener pasture, and they hardly send money home to meet households' needs. In addition, few participants were widowed and divorced, which means they had to shoulder everything in the households. It could be deduced from the above that the increasing number of female-headed households in the selected communities could be responsible for increasing engagement of women in Ogi making business as a means of livelihood. As the primary breadwinner in some households, women often see the business as a means to provide for their families and achieve financial independence. A participant from the Sentu community expressed that:

Another participant from Oke Ose expressed that:

Also, participants revealed how economic hardship, family responsibilities and structural inequalities led them into the Ogi-making trade. Their narratives are varied and reflect a shared pursuit of autonomy, resilience and survival. A participant from the Panada community expressed that:

Another participant, Apapado, noted:

Similarly, a participant from Marafa mentioned that:

Furthermore, a participant from Lajiki confided in the researchers that:

Furthermore, also, 5 of 50 participants mentioned that they decided to start Ogi making business to achieve economic security because small start-up capital is required. Starting Ogi business requires relatively low initial investment and equipment compared to some other businesses. This accessibility makes it an attractive option for women with limited financial resources to venture into entrepreneurship. However, the researchers observed that they were not making enough profits from the business, perhaps because of low production capacity. They were not producing enough Ogi to make an adequate income to achieve economic security from the business. It was observed that the makers used traditional tools coupled with low investments because they had limited financial resources. That is why the participants mentioned that it requires “small start-up” and “limited skills” to start. With “small start-up” and “limited skills”, adequate profits may be elusive, thereby, preventing the achievement of economic security.

Modernizing the production process and providing financial assistance for them could increase production necessary for achieving economic security because the demand is higher than the supply being a major source of carbohydrates. The makers would benefit from increased production because of the high demand for Ogi in Ilorin East in particular. With improved production capacity, they could also supply to other parts of Kwara State (Nigeria) where the demand is high. It is observed that Ogi is a popular and widely consumed food item in Ilorin East (and other parts of the State), especially in rural areas. The high demand for it provides a stable market for women entrepreneurs, making it a viable business opportunity. Based on the feasibility study carried by the researchers on how to improve the production, the production plant should comprise Flash Dryer, Steeping Tank, Grains Destoner, Sedimentation Tank, 3 KW Milk Pump, Aspirator, Blender, Fiber Mill, Fiber Wishing Screen, Hydraulic Press, 2 KW Cake Granulator, Centrifugal Sieve, Automatic Powder Filling and Sealing Machine, Weighing Scale and other accessories. Moreover, three out of 50 participants expressed that they are motivated to start the business because it is their parents' business, and they did not want it to die. The continuity of the family business could be a significant motivator for women to engage in the Ogi business.

The motivations behind the engagement of rural Nigerian women in Ogi production go beyond immediate survival needs or familial obligations. Although necessity and low start-up costs are cited by most of the participants, it can be more critically understood through the lens of economic autonomy and security. Based on Kabeer's (1999) concept of agency and Sen's (1999) capabilities approach (Alkire, 2005), participation of women in Ogi business reflects a pursuit of economic self-determination within constrained socio-economic contexts. Albeit limitations, it allows them to exert control and exercise choice over their livelihoods. In the same vein, Duflo (2012) argues that access to income-generating opportunities is capable of shifting household dynamics and expands the bargaining power of women. Importantly, this livelihood strategy is in tandem with human security theory, which stresses freedom from want as a critical aspect of security. Ogi business could serve as a proactive measure for managing economic risks and ensuring a minimum level of household welfare. This portrays the participation of rural women in Ogi business as strategic action in response to systemic and structural vulnerability rather than as passive survival.

To understand the benefits of engaging in Ogi production, participants were asked questions about the benefits of engaging in Ogi business. Nine participants mentioned that Ogi business has helped them to meet their daily needs. They seemed to agree that it is a vital business for reducing poverty among women. Most women are engaging in it as a way of coping with extreme poverty. It was also discovered that economic challenges in some households were actually the main force for some women to pick Ogi business as their work. By producing and selling Ogi, they are able to improve their economic status and lift themselves and their family out of the inability to meet up with some basic needs. Women are able to take care of their own needs in general.

A participant from Iponrin expressed that:

Similarly, a participant from Pepele expressed that:

Furthermore, in addition, a participant from Apapado noted that:

Furthermore, moreover, a participant from Ajelende expressed that:

However, the majority of the participants noted that what they are realizing from the business is insufficient to meet unforeseen events such as major surgery, private school fees, among others. Specifically, 41 participants expressed that what they are earning is not enough. They argued that they needed a better job to improve their socio-economic status. They implicitly mentioned that if the government could assist them in getting them better jobs or empower them in some ways, their situations would be improved. For instance, a participant from Marafa expressed that “this business cannot take me anywhere. While I enjoy it, it does not bring me much” (Participant 31; Marafa). In addition, another participant from Sentu noted that;

The business is just to meet one's daily needs. I lost my 5-year-old son due to the fact that I couldn't afford the hospital bill. The savings from this job were not enough to save my son. My husband has another wife. He didn't have our time. The death of my son made me decide to divorce him. I would never forgive him for the death of my son. Assuming we put resources together, we would have saved him … I need a better job as this job is not enough to care for my three remaining children (Participant 5; Sentu).

Nonetheless, a participant from Lajiki expressed that those who complained that they are not making enough earnings from it are not packaging it properly. She argued that she is making enough profits from it because she packages it very well. She expressed that she takes it to various offices in nearby towns for sales. According to her:

From the foregoing, few participants argued that the business is beneficial as they were able to meet their daily needs. They posited that they were able to pay their children's school fees with what they earn from the business. However, the majority of the participants expressed that they are not earning enough to meet their major, unforeseen needs. This implies that this business is not giving them adequate economic security. Thus, it could be deduced that women engaging in Ogi production, most especially in the rural areas, have not been able to generate enough income to contribute to their family's economic stability. Nonetheless, from the observation, Ogi production has the potential to provide opportunities for entrepreneurship and self-employment, enabling people to be financially independent and make significant contributions to the local economy. Also, it is observed that Ogi production among women in Ilorin East, Kwara State has the potential of helping people to escape poverty. To actualize the above potentials, it is necessary to modernize the production process and provide financial support to them to optimize production and increase its profitability. It seems participants are not earning from the business, perhaps because they are unaware of modern technologies to ease and multiply production. Provision of modern technologies for them, training them on how to use them and make financial services available to them could improve their earnings required to achieve economic security.

While most women in Ogi business in this study mentioned some economic benefits they are getting, such as meeting daily household needs and paying basic school expenses of their children, these economic gains are not adequate and consistent to ensure economic security. This implies a pattern of precarious economic participation where rural women are actively participating in income-generating work but still remain vulnerable to economic shocks or limited opportunities for upward mobility due to systemic and structural constraints. This type of engagement indicates what some scholars describe as “thin empowerment”, where visible gains in income do not necessarily translate into protection from risk, autonomy and structural change (Chopra and Müller, 2016, cited in Ghosh and Chopra, 2019). While their visibility in the marketplace may increase due to their engagement in the economic activity, their transformative potential of their labour remains constrained as a result of a lack of access to credit, formal market structures or social protection.

A significant difference is evident between rural women who adopted “packaging and outreach strategies” (such as branding their Ogi, using social media to promote their Ogi) and those who continue to adopt informal or traditional marketing methods. The latter may report comparatively low and inconsistent income due to limited reach. This suggests that financial and marketing literacy could make a major difference in outcomes. Nonetheless, even women who adopted packaging and outreach strategies still face major constraints in terms of limited capital, digital access or education. This further worsens the layered nature of economic vulnerability among Nigerian rural women engaging in Ogi business. Therefore, although Ogi business provides rural women a foothold in economic life, the economic benefits are always limited, fragile and uneven. This is a reflection of broader systemic and structural barriers hindering long-term economic security and empowerment.

In this theme, the environmental sustainability of the business was examined based on the perspectives of the participants. Forty-three participants argued that they are not affecting the environment in any way. A participant from Marafa noted that “this work doesn't disturb my neighbours, so I'm also not polluting the environment with the waste water from the Ogi that I do (Participant 41; Marafa Community). Also, a participant from Lajiki noted that “this work that I'm doing doesn't affect my neighbors so long as it does not smell when I'm making it” (Participant 39; Lajiki community). Moreover, a participant from Pepele expressed that “Never, my work doesn't smell or neither does it disturb the people living in my environment because they've never complained to me before about my work smelling or disturbing them whenever I'm doing it (Participant 19, Pepele Community)”.

A participant from Sentu expressed that:

Also, a participant from Iponrin noted that:

In addition, a participant from Oke Oyi acknowledged that:

However, eight participants expressed that the activities affect their environment. For instance, a participant from Oke Ose community expressed that “I cannot really say about this if it affects my environment but what I know is that whenever I start my machine to grind my millets it makes sound while its working, this may be the only effect my work has on the environment” (Participant 1, Oke Ose Community). Similarly, a participant from Iponrin noted that “to be truthful, this work affects my environment and this is because of the machine I use to grind my millet whenever I'm working with” (Participant 7; Iponrin Community). Some participants demonstrate some awareness of environmental impacts, particularly in relation to the use of machinery. One participant from Apapado said that:

Similarly, another participant from Lajiki expressed that:

From the above narratives, it is evident that the major environmental implication pointed out by the participants who believed it has environmental implications is noise pollution. Based on the researchers' observations, Ogi is likely to have some environmental issues because it consumes a lot of water. A lot of water is needed for washing, soaking and processing grains. This may lead to pressure on water, especially in water-scarce communities. Also, grinding, cooking and drying may consume a lot of energy especially in areas where the major source of energy is predominantly fossil fuel. It may lead to greenhouse gas. In addition, it may generate a lot of waste, such as remnants for the sieved grains. Also, the use of modern technologies such as Flash Dryer, Steeping Tank, Grains Destoner, Sedimentation Tank, 3 KW Milk Pump, Aspirator, Blender, Fiber Mill, Fiber Wishing Screen, Hydraulic Press, 2 KW Cake Granulator, Centrifugal Sieve, Automatic Powder Filling and Sealing Machine, Weighing Scale and other accessories could add to environmental sustainability issues. However, these could be mitigated if those technologies are made energy-efficient – consuming less energy. Specifically, they could be powered using renewable energy sources such as solar energy, hydropower and wind energy, among others.

The study highlights that Ogi offers a critical economic lifeline for rural women in the study settings. However, it is not a sustainable solution to address deeper structural challenges facing rural women in Nigeria. To achieve genuine empowerment, policy-makers, practitioners and scholars should shift from focusing on the micro-level to addressing macro-economic and policy frameworks that hinder rural women's potential. The study adds to existing debates and discussions in gender studies, informal economies and human security as it offers a richer and nuanced perspective on the intersection of empowerment, resilience and economic participation in rural Nigeria. The discussion is based on the objectives. These are as follows:

The results show that most of the women in this study are driven by economic necessity, gendered familial responsibilities and the structural conditions that limit access to formal employment. Many of them see Ogi production as a viable means of achieving economic security, especially with the limited or lack of household income and reliable support from male partners. The findings align with the economic security dimension of human security theory, which is defined as access to resources necessary to sustain livelihoods and prevent poverty. From the analysis, it is evident that women engaging in Ogi business are not merely seeking income alone, but also trying to secure their families' economic survival. They are making efforts, through their engagement in Ogi business, to escape poverty or economic vulnerability either as primary breadwinners (in the case of widows, divorced women or the wives of absent husbands) or as contributors to the household's basic needs or welfare. Their goals include maintaining income generation for basic needs (such as food, education, house rent, health among others), achieving financial independence (particularly among female-headed households) and buffering against male (husband) income absence or instability. This fits human security theory, which emphasizes freedom from want and reduction of susceptibility to economic shocks. It shows that rural women are not merely surviving, but also strategically navigating systemic hindrances to secure economic autonomy. Thus, policy efforts should be directed towards scaling their businesses, improving technology and offering financial support.

Also, the findings align with Amartya Sen's capabilities approach, which argues that poverty is not only a lack of income, but also a deprivation of basic capabilities to lead the kind of life one values (Sen, 1999). For most of these women, engaging in Ogi business could be a means to reclaim and maintain their agency by transforming the business into a viable livelihood strategy. The results reveal a pattern of adaptive entrepreneurship where women engage in economic activities not only for empowerment in the abstract but also as a survival mechanism shaped by household vulnerabilities and gendered labour expectations. This also agrees with the feminist political economy perspectives, which argue that women's work in the informal section is often undervalued and invisible, as well as being driven by the reproduction of household welfare rather than just profit-making (Stavrevska, 2021; Prasad, 2023).

The results also reveal how female-headed households, which are a growing demographic in rural Nigeria, are navigating economic exclusion as they leverage low-barrier informal enterprises such as Ogi production. The presence of these households underscores the relevance of intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1989) as a theoretical framework for understanding how rurality, marital status, class and gender intersect and interact to influence economic options and vulnerabilities of women. While it requires low start-up costs and minimal technical skills, it is observed that most women operated on a subsistence scale with low capital and local tools. This limits profit margins and perpetuates a cycle of under-investment. This also supports social reproduction theory, which describes how women's labour in the informal section is often described as an extension of unpaid care work (Bhattacharya et al., 2022; Hester and Srnicek, 2017). This is because they merely serve the household's needs rather than yielding and creating sustainable empowerment. In addition, a few participants cited the continuity of family businesses as a motivator. This reveals a cultural and intergenerational dimension to rural women's economic activities. This reflects the gendered transmission of informal knowledge and labour in the context of rural economies, where daughters are more likely to inherit the skills and responsibilities of their mothers or sons inhering from their fathers (Backer and Cairns, 2021).

This theme confirms and extends existing literature on gendered informed economies. What is known is that rural women often engage in informal businesses due to economic need and to meet households' basic needs. Limited access to formal employment as well as capital leads most of them to enter informal economies. However, what is missing is that few studies interrogate how specific, culturally rooted informal businesses such as Ogi production demonstrate the intersections and interactions of empowerment, environmental constraints and social reproduction in rural Nigeria. The findings are novel as they demonstrate how Ogi production is a gendered enterprise embedded in both necessity and tradition. This offers a unique lens to analyse how informal food economies sustain households in the face of structural challenges. The findings advance a richer and nuanced understanding of rural women's agency not only as economic actors but also as reproducers of household stability and community resilience. Also, it addresses a gap between gendered labour debates and the local food system in the global south.

The findings align with the economic security dimension of human security theory. From the analysis, women in the Ogi business are meeting immediate survival needs (such as daily meals and children's public school fees). This is in tandem with the “freedom from want” dimension of human security. However, most of the women engaging in Ogi business are unable to respond to unforeseen events (such as educational aspirations, medical emergencies and other major expenses). This reflects incomplete economic security and vulnerability to economic shocks. In the context of this study, basic income from informal entrepreneurship does not translate into economic security. While it gives them a foothold in economic life, the gains are fragile and uneven. In other words, Ogi business is a survival strategy with potential, but not a sufficient condition for economic security. This suggests that they need to be supported by social infrastructure and access to finances.

In addition, the study's findings align with Crenshaw's theory of intersectionality as the decisions of most women in this study to engage in Ogi business are not solely based on gendered economic exclusion but are also influenced by other factors such as rural displacement, widowhood and single parenthood (Crenshaw, 1989). The above intersecting identities added or worsened their socio-economic vulnerability and influenced their livelihood strategies. For instance, divorced or widowed are more likely to become sole providers. Also, they are more likely to lack access to formal employment and credit facilities. Thus, they may have no alternative than to start Ogi business as a viable means of livelihood. This implies that the experiences of Nigerian women are influenced by several intersecting forms of disadvantage such as rurality, class and gender.

Furthermore, moreover, the study's findings support capabilities approach of Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum, which shift the focus from mere income generation to the real freedoms (Sen, 1999; Nussbaum, 2000). The approach argues that individuals thrive to lead lives they value. Although Ogi business provides women with some sort of economic security, the study shows that most women in this study still lack the capabilities such as access to education, financial services and healthcare. These are fundamental for genuine empowerment. From the data, the limited profits from Ogi business limit their abilities to achieve broader well-being goals (economic security), such as affording healthcare and sending their children to quality schools. This suggests that many rural Nigerian women still remain impoverished and deprived of basic capabilities despite their engagement in income-generating activities.

The study's findings also support feminist political economy. From the analysis, it could be deduced that women engaging in Ogi business are systematically and structurally marginalized as they experience limited access to credit, minimal support from the government and low capital investment (Stavrevska, 2021; Prasad, 2023). In addition, their contributions in the informal economy are largely undervalued and unsupported despite the fact that they play major roles in sustaining households and local economies. Feminist political economists argue that women in the informal sector lack institutional support despite their significant contributions to the sector. Furthermore, the study aligns with the social reproduction theory (Backer and Cairns, 2021; Hester and Srnicek, 2017). The analysis showed rural women in this study engage in Ogi business in addition to extensive unpaid labours such as childcare, cooking and other household chores. It is argued that their limited capacity to expand the businesses (such as Ogi) or invest in skill development could be linked to the dual burden of paid and unpaid labour. Consequently, their economic insecurity is more likely to be perpetuated provided that the intertwining of productive and reproductive roles remains coupled with a dearth or inadequacy of support structures.

The study provides a nuanced analysis of challenges being faced by rural women in the informal economy in Nigeria by incorporating intersectionality, feminist political economy and capabilities and social reproduction. The incorporation of these frameworks provides a richer understanding of the multidimensional challenges and limited opportunities for women in the Ogi business. From the analysis, while Ogi production is one of the major livelihood strategies among women in rural Nigeria, structural and systemic issues, such as lack of capabilities, intersecting identities, gendered economic structures and unpaid care burdens, blur the likelihood of true empowerment.

The analysis agrees with the environmental security dimension of human security theory, which implies the preservation of ecosystems and protection from environmental degradation. The preservation of ecosystems is imperative for survival, livelihoods and human health. The findings reveal critical gaps, blind spots, in how women who engage in Ogi business perceive and address environmental risks in Ogi production. Most of the women in this study did not believe their activities harmed the environment, which indicates a perception gap in environmental awareness. They have a limited understanding of the environmental impacts of their activities. They perceived that the environmental impacts are limited to immediate, visible disturbances (such as noise or smell) rather than structural or systemic concerns, such as water overuse in water-scarce areas, waste generation from sieved grains, carbon emission from the cooking and drying processes and energy consumption and dependence on fossil fuels. These unrecognized impacts may undermine long-term community well-being, particularly water and clean air. Importantly, it is more than environmental security; it is also about the sustainable use of shared ecological resources. If these resources are degraded, economic insecurity may result or worsen. In the context of this study, the long-term viability of the Ogi business may be undermined if environmental risks are not properly managed. Thus, environmental literacy programmes for rural women are encouraged. Also, circular economy practices should be supported (such as repurposing grain residues) as well as providing incentives for clean technologies (such as solar dryers, water recycling systems).

In addition, from the analysis, some of the participants reported some environmental issues such as noise, smoke and waste disposal. This reveals sustainability blind spots characterizing most of the informal businesses in rural Nigeria (Elmhirst and Resurreccion, 2012). These blind spots are not merely a consequence of individual ignorance, but also a reflection of the under-resourced and informally structured nature of rural economic activities (Meinzen-Dick et al., 2014). Many women in the study are operating Ogi business with no formalized and structured training on environmental sustainability practices. They also lack access to sustainable technologies. Consequently, they mostly improvise waste management and fuel sources remain carbon-intensive most firewood or charcoal. These unsustainable practices are further worsened by a lack of environmental oversight or infrastructure (Odrowaz-Coates, 2021; Murphy and Parry, 2021). The inadequacy of environmental concerns among rural women indicates the invisibility of sustainability discourse within the context of informal food processing despite its increasing importance in both national and global policy discourse (Nightingale, 2006).

It also reflects the lack of targeted interventions that connect livelihood support with climate resilience in rural contexts. This necessitates context-specific sustainability interventions rather than top-down regulations. For instance, low-carbon processing equipment such as solar dryers and improved stoves can help in achieving sustainability. Also, eco-friendly packaging should be supported. It is argued that integration of sustainability into rural enterprise ecosystems enhances environmental outcomes as well as provides new opportunities for branding, marketing and access to green funding. Failure to take actionable steps, sustainability may remain peripheral to the concerns of informal food producers such as Ogi makers, despite the major risks their activities may cause to the environmental and human health.

Based on the integrated framework, the findings of the study reflect how Ogi business provides short-term income but fails to protect rural women from deeper vulnerabilities. The economic dimension of human security theory highlights income insecurity and a lack of resilience against shocks (McDonald, 2002). As shown in the results, while the participants met their daily needs, they struggled with emergencies such as health crises. This integrates with feminist political economy's gendered division of labour, where informal roles for women are exploited without recognition or remuneration (Prasad, 2023), as well as social reproduction theory's crisis of care, which blurs paid Ogi work with unpaid reproduction (Fraser, 2016; Bhattacharya et al., 2022). This is also interpreted by intersectionality's matrix of domination, where structural domains (such as limited rural infrastructure) and cultural domains (such as patriarchal norms that devalue women's work) intersect with class and rurality to compound exploitation (Collins, 2022). The capabilities approach shows “empowerment lite” (Cornwall, 2018), where income from Ogi business fails to expand real freedoms, such as decision-making or autonomy, perhaps because of socio-environmental constraints (Sen, 1999; Nussbaum, 2000). This eclectic framework debunks mainstream women's entrepreneurship theories, which assume market entry empowers women without considering and addressing structural power imbalances.

Evidently, the study provides a richer and more nuanced understanding of how rural women respond to and manage structural exclusion through micro-enterprises. While Ogi business is an income-generating activity, it also serves as a gendered survival strategy within the context of social systems that provide limited support and protection. The study's findings underline that although women use their limited resources to start the business, micro-level business activity may not translate into economic security, resilience or empowerment. The study makes a contribution to the existing body of knowledge as it highlights the lack of connection between visible entrepreneurial effort and structural transformation. In this way, it points to persistent vulnerability such as lack of income stability, deficient capabilities and environmental blind spots. This necessitates the need to reassess existing informal entrepreneurship policies that fail to account for and address the deeper and broader inequalities constraining women's agency in rural Nigeria. Also, the study provides a fundamental redemptive panacea to developmental challenges in rural Nigeria, as it affects women. The study suggests that promotion of economic participation is expected to go hand in hand with systemic investments in skills, social infrastructure, sustainability and security.

Furthermore, in addition, the study offers a gendered analysis of informal enterprise under conditions of structural exclusion. The study finds that participation of rural women in Ogi business is driven more by economic necessity and household responsibility than entrepreneurial aspiration. Although it offers daily sustenance, it does not sufficiently translate into economic security. This exemplifies what is described as “thin empowerment”, which implies visible income-generating activity without structural change or protection. Based on the human security theory, the study finds that limited skill sets, income stability and lack of sustainable infrastructure reflect both personal vulnerability and systemic neglect. Moreover, the concept of sustainability blind spots is evident in one of the study's finding, which describes how environmental issues such as waste disposal and emissions remain largely unaddressed in informal micro-enterprises, perhaps because of policy gaps or resource constraints. The study advances a critical perspective on gender and enterprises as it links micro-level entrepreneurial experiences to broader debates on economic security and autonomy and informal labour. This necessitates the need for policy interventions that go beyond livelihood support to include capacity-building, social protection and sustainability education. This is capable of repositioning rural women not merely as economic actors but also as rights-holders entitled to dignified work and economic security.

The integrated framework advances theoretical debates as it challenges mainstream, neoliberal theorization of women's entrepreneurship as inherently empowering through individual initiative, such as self-reliance tools or micro-enterprises. With the application of concepts such as Collins' matrix of domination (structural power intersects with gender/class/rurality), alongside social reproduction theory's care crisis and the capabilities approach's real freedoms, the study shows entrepreneurship as “thin” or “lite”, which is visible activity but masks structural exploitation (Cornwall, 2018; Fraser, 2016). This debunks depoliticized views and emphasizes collective, gendered transformations for economic security. Also, it offers a model for future research on informal economies in the Global South.

The study's findings highlight that the engagement of rural women in Ogi in the study settings is both enabling and constraining. While low capital threshold makes it an easy and feasible income-generating activity for most economically marginalized rural women, persistent constraints such as limited financial access, low productivity and lack of exposure to modern technologies adversely affect its profitability and growth potential. These findings necessitate the need for practitioner-led interventions to support income generation as well as build resilience and viable and sustainable rural enterprises.

Thus, practitioners should develop training workshops for rural women with a focus on practical skills such as packaging, hygienic production practices and cost-effective strategies. This will assist in addressing common challenges experienced by rural women entrepreneurs, such as meeting market demand, attractive packaging and hygienic standards. These skills have the potentials to increase their profitability. Also, development agencies and NGOs can partner with the private sector and government agencies to make affordable and energy-efficient production technologies available for rural women. These could be done through subsidized programs, grants or low-interest loans. This is necessary because women in informal food production are often hindered by a lack of access to modern technologies that can increase productivity in an energy-efficient manner. Environmental impacts and operating costs could be lowered by energy-efficient equipment. Reduction in operating costs can make the business more profitable and sustainable.

Furthermore, also, the formation of cooperatives or women's groups should be facilitated by the practitioners. This helps in pooling resources together, providing mutual support and increasing bargaining power in the marketplace. In addition, partnerships with microfinance institutions or community lending circles should be encouraged. This assists in overcoming barriers to accessing capital, which is largely the major hindrance for rural women. By pooling resources together, rural women would be able to afford higher-value modern technologies and scale production. Aside from this, it also aids social capital and collective resilience, which is more fundamental to achieving sustainable business practices.

Furthermore, moreover, there is a need for financial literacy programs to address the specific needs of rural women. These programs should cover budgeting, savings and financial planning as well as improving their understanding of credit. This is important because rural women may have a limited understanding of financial dynamics, which can be a major constraint to them in terms of managing and growing their businesses. The importance of financial literacy cannot be over-emphasized as it helps them to navigate economic uncertainties, access formal credit and manage cash flow.

The above interventions have the potential of transition women's informal economic activities from survivalist modes to more viable and sustainable types of micro-enterprises.

Broadly, the study's findings stress the need to reposition the participation of rural women in economic activities as a major concern for inclusive development. Based on the study's findings, the narrow empowerment paradigms, which focus mainly on income, are grossly inadequate. A more inclusive approach, which is a human security framework, provides a broader perspective emphasizing the importance of stability, agency and resilience. The current situation could be worsened or compounded by an increasing number of female-headed households. Failure to address the worsening layers of economic vulnerability may further entrench gendered poverty and inequality.

Policy-makers should specifically develop or expand financial options such as government-backed financial products or micro-loans for informal women entrepreneurs in rural Nigeria. These could be connected to community-based cooperatives or institutions. This is necessary because rural women entrepreneurs face a serious challenge in accessing traditional financial services due to a lack of collateral, limited credit histories as well as informal nature of their businesses. Also, the government should invest in developing shared spaces where multiple small-scale producers can access better facilities to process, dry and store their products. The designed spaces should be equipped with modern and low-cost technologies and operated as cooperatives. Shared spaces are imperative as they reduce individual capital outlay, improve the efficiency and scalability of production and ensure improved product storage.

Furthermore, moreover, policy-makers should incorporate informal enterprises into national food value chains. This can be achieved by providing market linkages, certifications and access to regional food processors and distributors. This is important because rural women in informal enterprises are isolated from larger and more lucrative markets. If they are integrated into already established value chains, they would have access to broader and more stable markets, an opportunity for scale and higher prices for their products. Also, policy-makers should ensure that gender equality principles are embedded in rural development programs. In other words, the needs and opportunities of rural women entrepreneurs should be addressed in national policies. For instance, gender-sensitive budgeting and targeted rural women's initiatives should be included. Although there are many rural development policies in Nigeria, the specific barriers and opportunities encountered by rural women in informal economies are often neglected. By following a gender-responsive approach, policies that would empower rural women, improve access to resources, recognize and support structures that will enable them to thrive socio-economically would be designed.

The above interventions is capable of enhancing women's livelihood security as well as advancing key global development targets such as SDG 1 (No Poverty), SDG 5 (Gender Equality) and SDG 8 (Decent Work and Economic Growth).

The study does not only make significant contributions to the existing body of knowledge, it also open several avenues for future studies. First, longitudinal studies could further explore the long-term impact of informal business on the economic security of women or assess whether engagement in informal economies could lead to upward mobility or sustain cycles of poverty. Also, future research should consider comparative studies across different sectors of informal food production. This may improve the understanding of sector-specific barriers and opportunities. This is necessary to enrich the broader narrative on women's entrepreneurship in rural Nigeria. Lastly, future studies should consider the role and impact of policy in addressing the structural inequalities that constrain the growth and sustainability of informal economies in marginalized rural Nigeria, with a specific focus on gender-responsive policies and sustainable development goals.

The study is a critical examination of the role of rural women in informal Ogi business. A gendered lens was used to explore their economic motivations, the gains and constraints of their involvement, as well as their environmental implications of their enterprise. With the application of an integrated theoretical framework, the study adds to a broader understanding of economic resilience and vulnerabilities in the context of informal economies. Although Ogi business is an important livelihood strategy for rural women in the study settings, they are still precarious and economically insecure due to structural exclusion, limited resources and lack of social protection mechanisms. Based on this, the study highlights the fundamental importance of economic security as an overarching goal of empowerment efforts for rural women rather than a mere income generation.

The study contributes to the existing theoretical debates as women's engagement in Ogi production is framed and situated within multiple, integrated or eclectic theoretical contexts. By situating it within an integrated theoretical context, the discourse of gendered livelihoods and economic security is expanded. In other words, the study shifts the discussion from women's participation in income-generating activities in rural Nigeria from simplistic survival-based strategies to a more nuanced and richer understanding of how informal economic activities serve as a buffering strategy against economic shocks. The study shows the tension between structural or systemic inequality and socio-economic resilience. Also, it highlights how women's informal enterprise is, despite their adaptability, being constrained by external factors such as inadequate access to capital, technology and infrastructure. On this basis, the study adds to the growing body of literature on informal economies, gender and human security. Also, it offers a conceptual framework for future studies on socio-economic resilience in marginalized rural communities.

Furthermore, moreover, the study adds new insights into the ways through which rural women navigate the informal economy, particularly as it relates to food-based micro-enterprises. By focusing on Ogi business, the study contributes to the understanding of gendered entrepreneurship in low-resource settings like rural Nigeria. It shows how the livelihood of women are influenced and shaped by external market dynamics and internal community structures. In addition, the study's findings challenge the dominant discourse of women's micro-enterprises as a direct pathway to empowerment. It demonstrates that women's micro-enterprises are precarious for rural Nigerian women in the study settings. Also, the study contributes to the concept of “thin empowerment”, which implies visible economic gains without translating into long-term security or systemic transformation. This concept questions the existing understanding of empowerment in the informal economy and facilitates the need for a more robust, systemic approach that would include skill or capacity building access credits and other resources and legal protections. Also, the study underscores the “sustainability blind spots” in informal enterprises, which implies the lack of environmental awareness among producers and the need for relevant stakeholders to develop and implement policies that will incorporate sustainability into informal food production. This conceptual framework can guide future studies on the intersection between gender, entrepreneurship and environmental sustainability in marginalized rural settings.