From Nigeria to Canada: unpacking intersectional women entrepreneurship through a transnational feminist perspective

Women entrepreneurs play a critical role in the economy, driving business growth, fostering innovation, and contributing to job creation across various sectors (Kelley et al., 2017). The literature on female entrepreneurship has garnered significant attention (Fauzi et al., 2023), highlighting the importance of gender-focused studies to better understand these dynamics. However, a critical perspective challenges the “sisterhood is global” approach (Morgan, 1984), which advocates a universal and homogeneous view of women’s experiences and struggles. This approach, largely shaped by Euro-American perspectives, tends to overlook the diverse cultural and contextual factors that significantly influence women’s entrepreneurial experiences (Collins et al., 2019). Such a generalized perspective fails to account for the unique challenges faced by women in different cultural and socio-economic contexts, leading to an incomplete understanding of female entrepreneurship (Henry et al., 2018). This critique aligns with Welter’s (2011, 2020) argument that entrepreneurship is inherently context specific. Entrepreneurial activities do not occur in a vacuum; they are deeply influenced by the social, cultural, political, and economic environments in which they take place. Context shapes not only the opportunities available to entrepreneurs but also the resources they can access and the constraints they face (Stoker et al., 2024). Studies have demonstrated that women entrepreneurs in different cultural contexts face unique challenges and opportunities. In patriarchal societies, for example, women may experience restricted access to capital and limited social mobility, which can impede their entrepreneurial ambitions (Jamali, 2009). However, in more gender-equitable societies, women tend to have better access to resources and networks, which can facilitate entrepreneurial activity (Terjesen et al., 2016). This illustrates that context-specific conditions are essential to understanding the diverse experiences of entrepreneurs, especially those from marginalized groups, as these factors influence the journey from motivations to outcomes.

Given the critique, an emerging body of literature underscores the necessity of examining non-Western contexts through the lens of intersectionality theory, which investigates how gender intersects with race, class, and other identities (Stoker et al., 2024). This theoretical approach has gained prominence in understanding the multifaceted entrepreneurial experiences of women of color, who often encounter distinct barriers due to their intersecting identities. Empirical evidence supports the notion that these intersections create unique challenges, influencing both their motivations and entrepreneurial pathways (Wingfield and Taylor, 2018). For example, research shows that Black women entrepreneurs frequently face obstacles such as restricted access to financial resources, exclusion from critical business networks, and racial biases, which substantially impede their entrepreneurial endeavors (Ogbolu, 2019). These difficulties are exacerbated by gender discrimination, resulting in a unique set of challenges for Black women in business (Smith et al., 2016).

To further address the contextual limitations, transnational feminist theory (Grewal and Kaplan, 1994; Horne and Arora, 2012) extends beyond intersectionality’s focus on identity to global power hierarchies and cross-border dynamics. Unlike intersectionality—which analyses overlapping social categories (e.g. race, gender)—this framework centers on cross-border forces: colonialism, economic globalization, diaspora networks, and geopolitical inequities (Moghadam, 2005). It specifically investigates how these transnational structures shape women’s entrepreneurship across national contexts (Brzozowski et al., 2017; Elo et al., 2018). Synthesizing these lenses offers a comprehensive analytical approach: intersectionality diagnoses identity-specific barriers, while transnational feminism reveals navigation of transnational power systems (Zerbe Enns et al., 2021).

This integrated approach critically broadens entrepreneurship discourse by centering non-Western perspectives and global dynamics (e.g. migration, diaspora). It is particularly suited to studying Nigerian women immigrant entrepreneurs (NWIEs) in Canada—a demographic projected to reach 30% of Canada’s population by 2036 (Ng and Gagnon, 2020). Despite substantial economic contributions, NWIEs face culturally specific challenges: limited financial access (Orser and Riding, 2016), gendered expectations, and dual family-business burdens (Ram et al., 2017). Their distinct trajectories in navigating cultural-structural barriers remain understudied (Ramadani et al., 2019). By examining NWIEs’ motivations and challenges through this dual lens, this research provides nuanced insights into their socio-cultural contexts. Such understanding is essential for developing targeted policies supporting entrepreneurial success and economic integration (Corrêa et al., 2024).

The subsequent section provides a comprehensive review of the literature pertinent to women entrepreneurs and the application of transnational feminist theory. Following this, the study outlines the research design, detailing the methodologies used for data collection and analysis, including thematic analysis. The findings are then presented, illustrated with direct quotes from participants that exemplify the diverse experiences of NWIEs. This section categorizes the findings into distinct themes and codes, elucidating the intersections of their identities and the impact on their entrepreneurial journeys. Lastly, the discussion and conclusion sections summarize the theoretical contributions of the study, highlight practical implications and policy recommendations, and propose avenues for future research.

The literature on female entrepreneurship has predominantly evolved within Western contexts, presenting significant challenges for understanding global entrepreneurial experiences (Henry et al., 2018). Early research typically defined female entrepreneurs narrowly, emphasizing ownership and management roles within small to medium-sized enterprises, often framed by a Western capitalist lens (Cukier et al., 2018). Literature grounded in Western feminist theory often focuses on the individualistic and competitive nature of entrepreneurship, emphasizing gender-based barriers within a predominantly Western context (Ahl and Nelson, 2015). Some researchers have focused on categorizing women entrepreneurs based on their motivation in Western settings. For example, they have identified in Canada three broad groups of women entrepreneurs—the classic, forced, and work-family (Hughes, 2006), who are motivated by a desire for independence, difficulty in finding employment, and the attraction of flexibility respectively. However, they frequently overlook the broader socio-cultural and transnational dynamics that shape the experiences of women from diverse backgrounds. This limited perspective overlooks the diverse realities faced by women entrepreneurs in non-Western settings, where cultural, social, and economic factors significantly shape their entrepreneurial journeys. For instance, empirical studies in the U.S. have identified specific barriers such as pervasive gender bias, limited access to funding, and challenges in navigating male-dominated industries (Robb and Coleman, 2010; Catalyst, 2019). However, these studies frequently fail to account for additional challenges encountered by female entrepreneurs in non-Western contexts. Research on women entrepreneurs in Nigeria, for example, highlights barriers such as inadequate infrastructure, lack of access to education and training, and cultural expectations that prioritize traditional roles over entrepreneurship (Kayanula and Quartey, 2000; Olawale and Garwe, 2010). These differences underscore the necessity for a more nuanced understanding of women’s entrepreneurial experiences across diverse cultural landscapes.

In the Canadian context, research on ethnic entrepreneurship has highlighted the complex interplay of culture, opportunity structures, gender, and transnational ties in shaping entrepreneurial trajectories. Early work on Chinese Canadian business activity emphasized that explanations rooted solely in cultural traits or blocked mobility were insufficient, instead pointing to multiple empirical forms of ethnic enterprise shaped by globalization and opportunity structures (Li, 1993). Ethnographic studies of Chinese restaurant owners in rural Western Canada extended this insight by showing how strategic settlement choices and transnational linkages underpin both social and economic integration (Smart, 2003), while later work emphasized the importance of social capital and collective co-leadership practices within ethnic enterprises (Paré et al., 2008). Building on this, research on ethnic firms across Canada has shown that entrepreneurs’ social capital—particularly the balance between bonding and bridging ties and the role of trust—materially shapes business performance, underscoring community-embedded networks as core mechanisms of ethnic entrepreneurship (Perreault et al., 2007). More recent large-scale research has demonstrated that transnational networking significantly shapes performance and survival among ethnic entrepreneurs in Canada, with ethnicity and human capital mediating how cross-border connections are mobilized (Kariv et al., 2009). Studies of Black entrepreneurship in Alberta have further revealed how push factors such as labor market exclusion and pull factors such as proactive opportunity-seeking combine to drive immigrant and minority business formation (Okeke-Ihejirika et al., 2023). At the same time, broader reflections on female immigrant entrepreneurship stress that immigrant women play a critical role in job creation and community development, and that their success is deeply tied to trust-based social capital and the salience of ethnicity—an insight that resonates strongly in Canada’s multicultural context (Halkias et al., 2016). Complementary perspectives from comparative contexts, including Nigerian immigrant women’s entrepreneurship in the U.S., enrich understanding of how socio-economic constraints, cultural capital, and microfinance access intersect with ethnic identity to influence business development (Okeke-Ihejirika et al., 2023). Together, these studies illustrate that ethnic entrepreneurship in Canada cannot be reduced to singular narratives of culture or necessity but must be understood as embedded in transnational networks, gendered opportunity structures, and forms of collective agency, thereby providing a critical foundation for analyzing intersectionality in women’s entrepreneurship.

While gender remains a critical lens for understanding entrepreneurial disparities, intersectionality theory deepens this analysis by revealing how overlapping social identities—such as race, class, and geography—create compounded barriers for women entrepreneurs (Stoker et al., 2024). In Western contexts, Ahl and Nelson (2015) show how gender and race intersect to shape unique entrepreneurial challenges. For example, South African women entrepreneurs experience acute work-life imbalances (Swartz et al., 2022), while African women entrepreneurs face a “triple vulnerability” to climate change (Gannon et al., 2022). Their concentration in climate-sensitive sectors like agriculture, combined with structural barriers to adaptation resources and the disproportionate burden of household resilience, creates business challenges rooted in the intersection of gender, geography, and socio-economic status.

These intersectional dynamics are similarly salient in North American contexts, particularly among Black women entrepreneurs. In Canada, recent studies highlight how Black women entrepreneurs contend with systemic racism, limited access to financing, and exclusion from mainstream entrepreneurial networks (Gallo Garcia et al., 2025). The Canadian Black Chamber of Commerce notes that even among highly educated Black immigrant women, access to mentorship and capital remains critically low, exacerbating the challenges of business sustainability. In the United States, Black women represent one of the fastest-growing entrepreneurial demographics, yet they face loan rejection rates up to three times higher than white women and are increasingly affected by the rollback of diversity, equity, and inclusion and supplier diversity programs (Wells Fargo, 2025).

Such compounded effects of gender, race, and immigrant status—including barriers in accessing financial capital, managing racialized expectations, or navigating dual cultural responsibilities—underscore the inadequacy of universal or Western-centric models in capturing the diverse realities of women’s entrepreneurship. These findings highlight the importance of context-specific analyses and provide a foundation for moving toward more nuanced frameworks that transcend nation-state boundaries.

While intersectionality has significantly advanced the study of women’s entrepreneurship by foregrounding structural inequalities, it remains constrained in two important ways. First, its nation-bound focus often fails to capture the transnational realities of immigrant entrepreneurs who operate across borders. Second, its grounding in Western epistemologies limits its capacity to account for non-Western cultural contexts, where collectivist values and alternative economic logics frequently prevail (George et al., 2016). This gap becomes particularly visible when examining African women’s entrepreneurship, which is often shaped by communal networks, extended family obligations, and informal economies that challenge Western notions of individualism and formal business structures (Nwankwo, 2005). Nigerian women, for instance, face systemic barriers such as inadequate infrastructure, limited educational opportunities, and strong cultural expectations around gender roles—factors largely absent from dominant Western narratives of entrepreneurship (Kayanula and Quartey, 2000; Olawale and Garwe, 2010).

Transnational feminist theory addresses these limitations by foregrounding the interconnectedness of gender, migration, and global economic systems (Zerbe Enns et al., 2021). It draws attention to how geopolitical forces—including colonial legacies, racialized immigration policies, and global capitalism—shape the lived experiences of immigrant women entrepreneurs in host societies (Grabe and Else-Quest, 2012). Rather than treating entrepreneurship as an individual or purely economic activity, transnational feminist theory emphasizes the structural and cultural conditions that shape how Nigerian women navigate the Canadian entrepreneurial landscape.

Empirical studies show that NWIEs in Canada face multiple, intersecting barriers, including limited access to formal financing, systemic racism, and conflicting gendered expectations from both host and home-country contexts (Brzozowski et al., 2017). In response, they mobilize transnational networks that bridge Nigerian cultural capital with Canadian institutional systems. Their entrepreneurial efforts often reflect broader commitments to community and family, such as maintaining ties with Nigeria, transferring knowledge and resources, and supporting development back home (Liu et al., 2021). These transnational practices challenge dominant entrepreneurial models that tend to emphasize local integration and overlook cross-border resource mobilization.

For example, Nigerian women in Canada have been found to use diasporic networks for market access, mentorship, and business innovation—mechanisms that help them overcome exclusion from mainstream entrepreneurial ecosystems (Amadasun, 2021). Yet, as Barrett and Vershinina (2017) argue, existing literature still tends to focus on local community support while underestimating the strategic value of transnational linkages. By centering these dynamics, transnational feminist theory offers a more nuanced and contextually grounded framework for understanding how NWIEs in Canada resist, adapt to, and negotiate the structural challenges they face—both within and beyond national borders.

The entrepreneurial experience of women in Canada is marked by both opportunities and significant challenges, particularly for immigrant women. Research indicates that women entrepreneurs in Canada face systemic barriers, including gender bias, limited access to financing, and challenges in navigating male-dominated industries (Cukier et al., 2022). Immigrant women, in particular, encounter additional hurdles related to their status, such as discrimination, cultural differences, and difficulties in leveraging existing social networks (Chrysostome and Arcand, 2009). While studies have documented the entrepreneurial intentions of women and the innovative strategies they employ to overcome these challenges, there is a notable gap in understanding the specific experiences of immigrant women entrepreneurs. For instance, immigrant women are often driven by necessity rather than opportunity, influencing their business decisions and goals (Dirks, 2020). Despite this, much of the existing literature predominantly focuses on the broader experiences of women or immigrant entrepreneurs, leaving the intersection of these identities underexplored. This gap highlights the need for targeted research that examines the unique entrepreneurial journeys of immigrant women in Canada, considering the cultural, social, and economic factors that shape their experiences.

The entrepreneurial landscape in Nigeria and Africa more broadly, is characterized by a vibrant mix of opportunity and significant challenges. Entrepreneurs in Nigeria often navigate a complex environment shaped by economic instability, regulatory hurdles, and inadequate infrastructure (Odeyemi et al., 2024). Women in Nigeria face additional layers of obstacles, including cultural norms that prioritize male entrepreneurship and restrict women’s access to resources and networks (Akanji, 2006). Despite these challenges, Nigerian women entrepreneurs demonstrate remarkable resilience and ingenuity, often engaging in micro-enterprises that serve local markets and fulfill community needs (Afolabi, 2022). Research indicates that women play a crucial role in the informal sector, contributing to household income and community welfare while grappling with limited access to capital and training (Fapohunda, 2013). However, much of the existing literature primarily focuses on the domestic entrepreneurial context, neglecting the transnational dimensions that influence these women’s experiences. By failing to consider how globalization, migration, and transnational ties affect entrepreneurial strategies and opportunities, current research overlooks critical factors that shape the realities of Nigerian women entrepreneurs, thereby creating a significant gap in the literature that warrants further investigation.

Nigerian women immigrants in Canada represent a unique group characterized by transnational ties, which significantly influence their entrepreneurial strategies. Many maintain strong connections with their homeland, utilizing resources and networks from both their home and host countries to navigate the complexities of entrepreneurship (Barrett and Vershinina, 2017). This transnational identity challenges the individualistic assumptions of Western theories, highlighting the importance of communal support systems and cultural connections in shaping their entrepreneurial journeys.

This study’s epistemological approach is based on naturalistic inquiry following an interpretivist qualitative research paradigm (Lincoln and Guba, 1985). Given that our research objective is to understand how Nigerian women immigrants experience entrepreneurship in Canada, it is appropriate to follow an exploratory qualitative inquiry method using an in-depth interview strategy (Brophy et al., 2023). Qualitative research allows us to better understand how our participants experience their realities and take into account meanings that could be overlooked by other methods (Rynes and Gephart, 2004).

In this study, we purposefully selected participants who are female business owners; moved to Canada within the last five years; and of Nigerian Nationality. Using snowballing approach (McGee et al., 2009), the first author – a Nigerian Canadian woman, first reached out to four of such entrepreneurs and invited them to participate in the study. Then other entrepreneurs who met the sampling criteria were identified. As a result, 12 NWIEs were interviewed. The snowball technique is appropriate given the lack of public data from which the ethnicity of female entrepreneurs could be identified. Demographic information of the NWIEs can be found in Table 1. All NWIEs were given pseudonyms to ensure confidentiality.

The data collection method was semi-structured interviews over Zoom. The interviews were conducted in English language and lasted 75 min on average. Open ended questions were used which provided large amounts of rich data (approximately 22–28 transcript pages per participant). The interview was divided into two major parts including questions about the business venture; and questions about the entrepreneur. Firstly, the participants were asked to discuss their business, why the business exists, what the business does and for whom. Furthermore, the participants were questioned about the start/creation of the business, the motivations for starting the business, successes, challenges and ways of coping with challenges. Secondly, participants were asked to talk about themselves (e.g. level of education, previous jobs or other jobs, family status, and the experience of relocating to Canada). Then participants were asked about the experience of being a female entrepreneur and being an immigrant entrepreneur, and if and/or how these factors have affected their business ventures.

Thematic analysis was employed in analyzing the interviews (Braun and Clarke, 2006). We employed Naeem et al.’s (2023) six-step framework to systematically analyze interview data while maintaining fidelity to participants’ experiences and generating novel conceptual insights. We started by familiarizing ourselves with the data by reading and re-reading the transcripts and selecting excerpts and statements. Using NVivo 12 Pro, the first author and a research assistant did one round of open coding of the entire data set which generated 186 initial nodes. Recurring patterns were then identified and labeled as keywords that reflected core elements of participants’ narratives. These keywords were then systematically clustered into four distinct codes, which were subsequently developed into two overarching themes through iterative comparison and refinement. The analytical process progressed to interpretation, where we examined connections between keywords, codes, and themes to develop novel conceptual insights emerging from the data. This culminated in the creation of a conceptual model (Figure 1) that visually represents how micro-level entrepreneurial practices constitute the macro-level phenomenon of entrepreneurship as sovereignty practice. By integrating Braun and Clarke’s (2006) flexible approach with Naeem et al.’s (2023) structured methodology, we achieved both methodological rigor and theoretical innovation in our analysis of these complex transnational entrepreneurial experiences.

We present our findings in this section with illustrations using power quotes from the data extracts (Pratt, 2008). The two main themes ─ Entrepreneurial dynamics and Entrepreneurial tenacity and the corresponding codes─ Motivations, Challenges, Resilience and Aspirations showcase how NWIEs experience entrepreneurship in Canada, from creating the business, to navigating challenges and planning for the future. How these factors influence NWIEs’ businesses is discussed in this section.

Theme 1: Entrepreneurial dynamics

This theme is explained with the help of two codes: motivations and challenges.

Code: Motivations (and Opportunities)

Keywords: Passion for craft, local skills, personal fulfillment, role modeling, financial stability, situational factors, market opportunities, cultural pride and community impact

The data showed that various factors stirred NWIEs to start their businesses. Our participants talked about how their motivation to start a business stemmed from the passion for their craft and possession of local skills—cooking, fashion etc. needed to create such businesses. These skills were mostly learned from parents and grandparents while growing up in Nigeria and some of the women had obtained their skills through some education or apprenticeship. The women in this study who rendered food services primarily cook Nigerian foods, and their customers are mostly Nigerians. For some women, the desire for personal fulfillment and the need to be role models to their kids pulled them into entrepreneurship. Martha stated “… if you want your kids to work hard, you should show them what hard work and diligence look like” (Martha, Clothing/Fashion).

Many of the women described entrepreneurship as a tool for wealth creation and/or financial stability. “Besides the self-fulfillment from doing something I am passionate about, it makes me money” (Kemi, Food/Catering). Financial stability is particularly important to these women as they must support their immediate family in Canada and extended family in Nigeria.

Many of the women ascribed situational factors such as COVID-19 pandemic, maternity leave, and unemployment to their venture creation. Tiara recalled,

Similarly, Isoken reflected,

The women described Canada as a land filled with many market opportunities which they recognized and maximized such as uninterrupted power supply. Imade said,

Other opportunities identified by the women are increasing number of Nigerian immigrants which creates demand for certain products and services, and Canadian government support for immigrants and entrepreneurs including grant opportunities, mentorship programs and networking platforms. Edna explained,

The women also mentioned cultural pride and community impact as motivating factors. They want an opportunity to contribute to the Canadian economy and to celebrate their culture and race. Martha explained that one of the reasons she started making custom made clothes is for African women to feel confident and beautiful

Code: Challenges

Keywords: personal fears, business-related challenges, macro-level environmental issues

The women interviewed described several challenges impacting their businesses.

Personal fears/challenges. The fear of starting something new and/or the fear of failure was mentioned as a factor which made some women start their businesses later than they should have or prevented them from committing fully to the business. According to Zara, “I want to invest as much as possible in my business, but at the same time I’m being cautious … what if it fails, so I have kept my full-time employment” (Zara, Jewelery/Fashion).

Another concern raised by the women was financial constraints which limited the efforts to start or grow the business. Ayo stated,

In many cases, the women have kept multiple jobs to generate stable income to support their family and fund their business ventures. Keeping multiple jobs has caused stress and burnout for many of the women as they find it hard to have work-life balance. They explained that as women, they struggle to meet family commitments to their partners and children, and to balance their other jobs with the responsibility of being entrepreneurs. Zainab said, “… one challenge I’m facing is time, obviously, I have a full-time job. I’m a mom, I’m a wife, I have a home to run. I am juggling a lot of things” (Zainab, Multiple businesses).

The lack support of family and friends in Canada who could help with some responsibilities such as babysitting the kids and school runs is a challenge for NWIEs. According to Layo (IT Consultant), “… Canada also has its own challenges. For example, back in Nigeria I had a live-in nanny, I could afford that. Here in Canada that’s luxury”. Some of the women highlighted the stress of settling in a new country and how this takes its toll on their well-being including marriage. Martha explained that women look to their spouses for help when they encounter challenges, but in the case of immigrants, both husband and wife are stressed from the challenges of moving to a new country which makes it difficult to support each other emotionally and physically. Some of the women talked about how it is difficult to make friends with non-Africans due to cultural differences. They explained that as Nigerians who are more communal by nature, it is difficult to adjust to a culture that is more individualistic. According to Zara, “No one here talks to you. My neighbor doesn’t even know my name, doesn’t know that I have a business” (Jewellery/Fashion).

Business-related challenges. Many of the women described the operational issues involved in running their businesses. Most of the women run the business as sole proprietors and do not have employees to help them. They complained about the difficulty of working alone and how this slows down productivity such as inability to deliver products/services to customers on time.

There are also micro-operational issues that the women face such as having lots of downtime which no one pays for (e.g. prepping food, washing up), balancing time zones to work with key partners in Nigeria, lacking a framework to determine how to pay themselves salary from the business, and lack of clarity on issues such as setting prices for the product/service, and managing delivery service to customers.

Several participants mentioned that for the Black woman entrepreneur, gaining market access can be difficult. Some women described the presence of gatekeepers who hoard information and delay business processes making the women miss out on opportunities.

Some women complained about their business lacking visibility. Nevertheless, many of them have made little efforts to gain visibility such as attending networking events, applying for government grants and intensifying marketing efforts. Yemi mentioned that “network is key but it’s just something I’ve not explored” (Food/Catering).

Only about half of the women we interviewed knew about grants opportunities and only two women had applied for grants. One of the women explained that

Some of the women assume that they are not eligible to apply for these opportunities because their businesses are at early start up stage. Ayo said, “for grants, I made two applications but was unsuccessful. Small businesses should have reached a baseline to be able to apply or get grants, but I am not yet there, I am optimistic, but I have to be very realistic” (Beauty/Natural products). Sharing her knowledge about grants, Damola stated, “I’ve heard about grants, I haven’t explored it, I haven’t applied for any” Clothing/Fashion). Some of the women expressed their fear in applying for grants and if they could trust “free money” since they had no such opportunities in Nigeria.

Although some women recognized market gaps and opportunities such as cooking during the pandemic, the market has become saturated with many other Nigerian immigrant women moving to Canada and showing interest in the same or similar ventures. This has cut down the profit margin and market share previously enjoyed by the entrepreneurs and made some of the women question the sustainability of their business ventures.

Macro-level environment issues. The women spoke about some regulatory and licensing issues in Canada which are unfavorable to their business ventures such as strict importation and shipping policies which make it difficult to obtain some of the raw goods needed for their businesses from Nigeria. Reflecting on this, Martha explained, “I don’t have access to cheap resources like I did back in Nigeria. They’re more expensive here and importation policies wouldn’t make easy for me to import fabrics. There’s been a lot of culture shock … the business climate is very different” (Clothing/Fashion).

These women find that navigating Canadian regulations can be difficult including rules for new business registration in Canada. While the process of registering the business itself is easy, the participants mentioned that they are required to take certificate courses such as food safety licenses and mandated to cook only from commercial kitchens which many of the women are unable to afford. The women find these discouraging. Yemi reflected,

Some women mentioned that grant application processes are long and difficult and there are specific eligibility requirements which are difficult for start-up businesses to meet. Reflecting on her experience Ayo commented,

Similarly, Isoken stated, “It would be nice if some policies are eased and if more grants are provided for Black immigrant women. With the strict restrictions, a lot of us cannot even benefit from the grant opportunities available” (Isoken, Food/Catering).

Some economic factors were mentioned by the women, for example high cost of shipping in Canada impacts their business. Some mentioned that bank charges for business accounts are too high and described it as “unfair” as it cuts into their profits. Other issues mentioned by the women include high cost of raw materials and labor cost in Canada compared to Nigeria, expensive local shipping and high taxes. Isoken explained,

The women talked about how they must overcome cultural bias and perceptions of incompetence held by non-Africans. Some of the women explained that to gain legitimacy for their business and overcome cultural bias in Canada, they have to go the extra mile to prove their worth and the show the value of their products/services.

Being new and being black and being a female immigrant, people tend to take advantage of you. Even customers feel that you are just new [to Canada], “so why would you want to charge me $20.00/hour for making this when you could charge $15?” You need to know when to push back and when to say no, so I have had to put a price or value on myself because there’s so many people who want to devalue you and give you less than what you deserve (Isoken, Food/Catering).

Theme 2: Entrepreneurial tenacity

This theme is explained with the help of two codes: resilience and aspirations

Code: Resilience

Keywords: speaking up and seeking help, strategic pauses, faith and spirituality, self/business development

Speaking up and seeking help. Some women in our study mentioned that they have learned to ask for help when they need it particularly when they feel overwhelmed with multiple responsibilities. Sometimes they ask friends to help with the kids or to help with marketing strategies such as words of mouth and social media posts. Sometimes, the women pay professionals to provide household services such as cooking or cleaning. Some women ask their husbands for help with the household responsibilities or with the business venture. For example, when Tiara was struggling with the decision to offer delivery service or not for customers, her husband would help by driving to the customer’s homes to deliver the products. Some women have also learnt to leverage their partners’ skills to help with business functions. Isoken stated, “My husband has been very supportive, at the start of the business, he helped to design the logo and did all financial calculations because I am not good with numbers” (Food/Catering). Additionally, some women have begun employing workers to help with some of the responsibilities of the business.

Some of the women spoke about the importance of speaking up about the problems they might be experiencing and embracing therapy. These women emphasized the importance of more African women engaging in therapy, starting with challenging the cultural belief that therapy holds little value.

Self/business development. Some women have sought further academic or vocational education. Some women focus on courses such as business administration to learn more about managing their businesses, while others pursue knowledge to improve themselves or to give themselves opportunities for a future career change. Some women seek mentors and peers in the industry who are willing to share their knowledge to help the women grow.

Strategic pauses and adjustment. Many of the women described how they would take a break [especially from the business venture] to re-strategize and make changes for improvement. Over the years, many of the women have learnt the importance of prioritizing self-care. Sometimes this comes in the form of taking breaks and time off work to spend more time with family or just take care of themselves.

For some women, self-care comes in the form of exercise and healthy diets which they explained are healthy habits they picked up later in life after they moved to Canada.

Although, some of the women acknowledged that taking time off might affect the productivity of their business venture, they have learnt to feel less guilty about this and to rate self-care higher.

Faith and Spirituality. Some women interviewed talked about their religion being a strong factor influencing who they are and how they run their businesses. These women were born into their religion and raised by their parents religiously. Some of the women described how prayers and faith guide their decision-making processes and gives them feelings of hope and joy despite the many challenges they face. Damola stated,

Some also described how their faith forbids certain behaviors such as lack of contentment. As such, they are content with what they have which might seem little to others.

Code: Aspirations

Keywords: desire for expansion, cultural preservation, formalizing operations

Desire for expansion. Several interviewees expressed the desire to break into non-African markets and getting people of other races interested in their product/service. By reaching a diverse clientele, they would be able to gain more visibility and financial benefits. Ayo expressed this by saying, “I want to see this business becoming a global name, I want everybody to know about my business, not just in Canada, in Nigeria, US, UK, and all over the world”. Some women also talked about expanding the range of services/products they offer, and some participants expressed interest in innovating within their industries such as creating new product lines (jewellery design or new recipes) and finding ways to reach international markets. According to Layo,

Formalizing operations. Some women spoke about plans to formalize their business operations such as moving from home kitchen to commercial kitchen and others mentioned the need to improve their business structure such as changing from sole proprietorship to a larger organizational structure.

Cultural preservation and influence. Promoting and preserving African culture is what some women aspire to do with their businesses. Ayo wants to share the beauty and health secrets that have worked for Africans with the world. “I want the world to know that Africa is beautiful” (Beauty/Natural Products). Damola (Clothing/Fashion) will continue her business in order to keep the Nigerian culture alive. Expressing concern,

Isoken hopes to be a positive influence by building a business that can provide employment to new Nigerian immigrant women in Canada in the future (Food/Catering).

Our findings reveal that NWIEs in Canada engage in what we term transnational communal entrepreneurship—a distinct economic logic that fundamentally challenges Western entrepreneurial taxonomies. While Canadian women entrepreneurs typically pursue individualized success markers (financial independence, career advancement) fitting the “classic entrepreneurial profile” (Hughes, 2006), NWIEs demonstrate integrated motivations where wealth creation, unemployment mitigation, and family support converge into collective advancement imperatives, underscoring a shared aspirational ethos. This motivational complexity positions them outside established Western categories, not as deviation but as manifestation of an alternative entrepreneurial epistemology rooted in African communitarian values (Kayanula and Quartey, 2000).

The operationalization of this logic constitutes our most significant theoretical contribution. NWIEs transform the intersectional challenges they face—racialized exclusion, gendered care burdens, and immigrant status—into catalysts for innovative business architectures. Rather than simply “overcoming” restricted access to resources and markets, they demonstrate resilience by engineering diasporic resource ecosystems through: (1) leveraging Nigerian networks as parallel market infrastructures, (2) converting cultural capital (culinary/fashion expertise) into transnational value chains, and (3) reframing extended family obligations as distributed risk-management systems. This represents a departure from resilience narratives toward constraint-based innovation—a phenomenon where limitations actively shape business models rather than merely being circumvented.

Culturally, NWIEs enact what we conceptualize as embedded hybridity: their businesses consciously maintain Nigerian communal ethics while strategically engaging Canadian market mechanisms. This practice indicates a combination of both fusion and diffusion of cultural practices, with cultural fusion more evident in how business ventures are structured and operated while diffusion is evident in the content of business offerings (i.e. products and services). This manifests in practices like using Canadian food safety certifications to premium-price “authentic” Nigerian cuisine, where profits simultaneously sustain both local Canadian operations and transnational family aspirations. Such models transcend the individualist-communitarian binary, creating what participants described as “businesses that feed two nations.” This dual orientation functions as geopolitical negotiation (Mohanty, 2003), subverting neocolonial market exclusion through what we identify as calculated cultural arbitrage. This study demonstrates that entrepreneurs can bring together best practices from multiple cultures and benefit from using these logics to run a business model that meets the unique needs of the business and the context the business operates in.

NWIEs construct sovereign market spaces—entrepreneurial zones where business creation enacts decolonial place-making through three novel mechanisms. First, they reconfigure spatial and racialized challenges by transforming ethnic enclaves into deliberate innovation labs, strategically leveraging spatial exclusion to develop hybrid products/services that simultaneously serve niche Canadian markets and Nigerian communal needs. Second, they transmute transnational care work from economic burden into venture architecture, engineering extended family networks into operational scaffolding that enables cross-border business scaling. Third, they convert cultural stigmatization into strategic authenticity capital through conscious rebranding of marginalized practices—traditional savings circles become “community investment pools,” linguistic fluency frames as “global communication expertise”—transmuting colonial exoticization into entrepreneurial resilience and competitive advantage.

Collectively, these practices constitute entrepreneurship as sovereignty practice (see Figure 2), advancing diaspora studies beyond victimhood narratives while expanding transnational feminist and postcolonial theory. By treating colonial market asymmetries as actionable terrain rather than historical constraints, NWIEs demonstrate how: (1) spatial exclusion can be weaponized for specialized value creation; (2) social reproduction (Federici, 2012) functions as business infrastructure; and (3) cultural identity becomes a motivational and aspirational entrepreneurial resource. This reframes business creation as decolonial world-making—where economic actions reclaim autonomy over value distribution and cultural representation through everyday market subversions that transcend symbolic resistance (Mohanty, 2003).

The framework of entrepreneurship as sovereignty practice presents empirical evidence depicting how NWIEs frame their entrepreneurial motivations and create conditions not just to survive but to thrive despite facing complex challenges. This framework challenges victimhood narratives and extends beyond narratives of perseverance and agency for women entrepreneurs to provide insights about how community resources and ethnic networks form a strong foundation for entrepreneurs to engage in market reconfiguration and business reframing activities to overcome structural discrimination or blocked mobility into entrepreneurship. This study provides crucial knowledge for theoretical integration of gender, race and immigrant status of Nigerian women to foster understanding of nuanced view of women’s experiences and struggles and destabilize mainstream theorization of female entrepreneurship and the assumption that “sisterhood is global” (Morgan, 1984).

NWIEs in Canada face resource constraints that limit both household and business capacity. To mitigate this, they should strategically mobilize their social capital, drawing on support from family and friends for domestic duties and entrepreneurial tasks. This aligns with traditional Nigerian gender roles, where women handle home responsibilities and men lead business operations. However, adapting to Canadian cultural norms by relaxing rigid gender roles can enhance flexibility and sustainability in their ventures.

Expanding beyond ethnic markets is essential for scalability, and the development of entrepreneurial thinking and practice. While NWIEs often initially cater to Nigerian communities due to familiarity and cultural fit (Chrysostome and Arcand, 2009), this restricts growth, particularly when Canadian import regulations complicate sourcing goods from Nigeria. Entering the mainstream market, which does not rely on ethnically sourced products or culturally specific knowledge, allows NWIEs to access broader consumer bases and reduce labor costs by hiring more inclusively. One pathway is to align businesses with prior professional expertise or academic training, especially given that many NWIEs are highly educated. Another is to promote African culture in ways that resonate with Canadian consumers and fulfill the entrepreneurs’ cultural aspirations.

Mental wellness remains underemphasized within Nigerian culture (Ayonrinde and Okulate, 2012). NWIEs should be encouraged to access therapeutic and mental health resources, which can bolster their emotional resilience and decision-making in the high-risk entrepreneurial environment. Education—both formal and vocational—and industry mentorship can further strengthen NWIEs’ business acumen and enhance mobility within both entrepreneurial and employment sectors.

Community organizations and support agencies play a pivotal role in bridging gaps between NWIEs and the resources available to them. First, they should prioritize disseminating information on existing financial supports—such as government grants and low-interest loans—specifically tailored for Black women entrepreneurs, which many NWIEs remain unaware of. Dissemination through ethnic media, churches, and cultural associations can improve outreach.

Second, these organizations can host culturally responsive workshops that integrate business training with mentorship and system navigation. These sessions should emphasize Canadian business practices, legal compliance, marketing strategies, and digital literacy. Mentorship programs that match NWIEs with seasoned entrepreneurs from both ethnic and non-ethnic backgrounds can build trust in Canadian institutions and reduce perceived risk.

Given the importance of faith and family as emotional support systems, programming that acknowledges these dimensions—such as spirituality-informed resilience building or family-inclusive training—can be especially effective.

Policymakers should acknowledge the structural and cultural challenges that NWIEs face in accessing opportunities. Enhancing policy visibility through targeted, multilingual campaigns across immigrant networks is crucial. Funding should support initiatives that directly empower NWIEs through education, mentorship, and infrastructure, such as co-working spaces and digital platforms that reduce startup costs and foster collaboration.

Given that NWIEs are often highly educated but underemployed, immigration and economic policy should further streamline recognition of foreign credentials and facilitate transitions from full-time employment to entrepreneurship. Flexible childcare subsidies, affordable housing, and transportation incentives would reduce the personal trade-offs NWIEs face when starting businesses.

Finally, broader inclusion strategies—such as promoting Black entrepreneurship in mainstream economic development plans—can foster more equitable participation and representation in Canada’s innovation ecosystem.

Beyond Canadian policy considerations, the experiences of NWIEs offer critical insights for global entrepreneurship debates within transnational, racialized, and postcolonial contexts. Their transnational navigation—leveraging Nigerian networks while operating within Canadian markets—exemplifies how migrant entrepreneurs reconfigure “borderland economies” (Brzozowski et al., 2017), challenging nation-state-centric business models. Their racialized confinement to ethnic enclaves, despite high education, underscores how racial capitalism (Robinson, 2003) perpetuates systemic barriers that equate Blackness with limited market viability (Minto-Coy, 2019). Most significantly, their hybrid entrepreneurial practices—merging African communal ethics with market demands—constitute a postcolonial counter-narrative to Western neoliberalism. By prioritizing collective well-being over individual accumulation (Ebewo et al., 2025), NWIEs demonstrate how entrepreneurship serves as resistance to colonial legacies of extraction (Mohanty, 2003), offering vital alternatives to universalized models of economic agency.

This study is limited by its focus on a specific group (i.e. NWIEs) in Canada and the use of snowball sampling which has potential for sample bias and may restrict the generalizability of the findings to other immigrant or entrepreneurial populations. Additionally, the use of semi-structured interviews, while providing rich qualitative data, may be subject to participant biases or self-reporting inaccuracies. Future research could explore the experiences of NWIEs across different regions in Canada or compare them with other immigrant entrepreneur groups to uncover broader patterns. Longitudinal studies would also be valuable to examine how motivations, challenges, and business outcomes evolve over time.

In conclusion, transnational feminist theory provides a robust framework for examining the entrepreneurial experiences of Nigerian women immigrants in Canada. By incorporating this perspective, we gain valuable insights into the intricate interplay of cultural identity, structural barriers, and agency that shape their journeys. This approach not only enriches our understanding of their unique challenges and motivations but also calls for more inclusive policies and support systems that address the specific needs of Nigerian women entrepreneurs. Moving forward, it is essential to integrate these voices into the broader discourse on immigrant entrepreneurship, ensuring that their experiences are recognized and valued within academic and policy discussions.