The landscape of policing in the UK is undergoing significant transformation. Increasing concerns over the relationship between the police and communities, rising calls for accountability and the persistent challenges of addressing systemic inequalities have all highlighted the need for meaningful change. Policing, long seen as a cornerstone of public safety, now faces a unique set of challenges in the 21st century, particularly around issues of trust, accountability and community engagement. However, despite the problems and challenges identified below and elsewhere, the following also needs to be borne in mind about the state of policing today:
The police service in England and Wales has faced many recent challenges, but there remains much for it to be proud of. The model of British policing remains fundamentally sound. The power of the police isn’t based on inducing fear, but on securing public co-operation and support. And the vast majority of police officers, staff, special constables and volunteers are wholeheartedly dedicated to serving the public and to doing the right thing (Cooke, 2004).
The police will always be under scrutiny to be more effective and encouraged to identify and use the best evidence to underpin strategies and actions, and to be ultimately accountable for decisions at both strategic and operational level. That is a given. The real test is how the police undertake that task. In the main, they have demonstrated over the last decade a willingness to engage in research and to inwardly reflect. There have been great leaps in areas where previously there had been issues that were minimised or ignored (i.e. wellbeing and support of police officers). The articles in this special edition represent a snapshot of research presented at the 2024 Canterbury Christ Church University annual Canterbury Centre for Policing Research (CCPR) conference, entitled “Problems and solutions in UK policing”. This special edition of the JCRPP seeks to showcase some of the problems identified as facing modern policing in the UK and to offer innovative, actionable solutions that could guide future research and development. Problems will be encountered at several levels. Sometimes they will appear as significant strategic problems that require widespread change or overhaul to solve them (i.e. Violence Against Women and Girls (VAWG), responses to rape and serious sexual assault, police racism, sexism, misogyny). Others may present as problems in particular types of investigations, or training, or within different kinds of policing activity.
Before introducing the articles in this edition, which together provide an eclectic mix of offerings, it is worth noting that since the conference several other dynamics have arisen which complement the focus of the conference. Issues such as misogyny, racism and homophobia within policing endure (Casey, 2023; Angiolini, 2024). Calls have been made to research red flag indicators for police officer misconduct, especially sexual misconduct. The extent to which misogyny, racism and homophobia effects behaviour in police officers is unknown, and the extent to which it effects police officer behaviour is less known. Research is underway to determine whether it is possible to weed out individuals who apply to the police at the point of recruitment, as well as supporting new recruits to embed within the organisation. Regarding the last point, recent research has identified interesting issues about how social identity develops amongst recruits within those receiving positive action, meaning that despite the support they receive, they develop in a way that effectively alienates them from the organisation rather than embeds them (Hesketh and Stubbs, 2024). The police response to VAWG is also key, with a NPCC strategy in place and all Police Services in England and Wales having policies on VAWG strategy and implementation. However, the response to VAWG by the Home Office has been criticised as ill managed and lacking in effectiveness and effective measurement of success (National Audit Office, 2025). The report states:
Violence against women and girls is a significant and growing problem, affecting one in 12 women and causing significant harm. The Home Office leads the government’s efforts to address VAWG, but to date these efforts have not improved outcomes for the victims of these crimes or the safety of women and girls more widely. The Home Office is not currently leading an effective cross-government response. It has a limited understanding of the extent of resources devoted to addressing VAWG across government and the impact this is having. Without this knowledge, the Home Office cannot be confident that the government is doing the best it can to keep women and girls safe (National Audit Office, 2025, p. 9).
Violence against boys and men is also an issue. Research is currently underway to consider the experience of boys and men when reporting rape and serious sexual assault. Preliminary findings suggest evidence of negative experiences, and a lack of willing ness to report such crimes, sometimes because of the accent placed upon VAWG to the (seeming) exclusion of boys and men (Phillips and O’Neill, 2025). Work is ongoing to embed new practices into the response to rape and serious sexual assault through Op Soteria. This has now been adopted nationwide. Whilst there are promising aspects to the initiative, and an attempt to significantly shift the mindset and attitude of police investigators and others to the whole context of a case, it is widely accepted that systemic change is also required to be able to support the initiative, otherwise experiences of victims and effectiveness of the system to bring offenders to justice will not improve (King et al., 2023; HMICFRS, 2024a).
The importance of trust between the police and the communities they serve cannot be overstated. Across the UK, particularly in urban areas with high levels of ethnic and social diversity, there is growing concern that police services are increasingly seen as distant, unaccountable, and, in some cases, oppressive. These concerns have been exacerbated by high-profile incidents such as the murder of Sarah Everard by a serving police officer and the revelations of racially discriminatory practices within police forces, which have further undermined public confidence (Wistrich, 2022; Cunningham, 2023; O’Reilly, 2024). As we seek to address these issues, we must explore both the root causes of the problems and the steps necessary to rebuild trust, foster stronger community relationships and ensure that policing can evolve to meet the needs of a changing society.
One of the most pressing challenges facing UK policing today is a crisis of trust, particularly within minority communities. The police, tasked with maintaining law and order, are increasingly viewed with suspicion, particularly by people from ethnic minority communities, who often experience disproportionate policing and harsher treatment compared to their white counterparts (Shankley and Williams, 2020). High-profile cases, such as the deaths of black individuals in police custody (Inquest, 2023) and incidents involving the over-policing of protests related to racial justice, have only served to exacerbate the divide (Jones-Brown and Williams, 2021).
This perception of bias is not limited to individual instances of misconduct but reflects broader, systemic issues within policing. The controversial practice of “stop and search,” which disproportionately affects young black men, has long been a point of contention. Despite reforms to improve its oversight, many believe the tactic still contributes to a culture of racial profiling. Similarly, the handling of protests, such as those organized in support of Black Lives Matter, has often resulted in public backlash, with critics accusing the police of heavy-handed tactics and a lack of sensitivity to the issues at hand (Jones-Brown and Williams, 2021).
Additionally, the case of Sarah Everard’s murder in 2021 brought issues of misogyny and police misconduct to the fore. The perpetrator was a serving police officer, which led to significant public outrage and prompted widespread calls for reforms not only in the police’s treatment of women but also in their internal processes for addressing misconduct and ensuring accountability. The combination of these factors – racial tensions, concerns about misogyny and fears over public safety – has deeply eroded trust in police forces across the UK. Successive reports have shone an even brighter light on enduring issues of racism, misogyny and homophobia within policing (Casey, 2022; Angiolini, 2024).
Rebuilding this trust will require more than just an apology or cosmetic reforms. It demands a complete overhaul of the ways in which police forces engage with the communities they serve, as well as a recognition that the current approach to policing is insufficient in addressing the concerns of marginalised groups. HMICFRS (2024b) notes the strides police are taking in this regard. The current challenges facing UK policing must be understood within the context of the historical and social landscape of policing in the UK. Similar to the US, policing in the UK has its roots in controlling the most marginalized sectors of society, particularly working-class communities and people of colour. The British police service emerged in the early 19th century to maintain order and protect the status quo, often using repressive measures to deal with social unrest (Emsley, 2019). The legacy of these early practices continues to influence modern policing. The disproportionate targeting of people from ethnic minority backgrounds is not simply a result of individual racism but reflects deeper, institutional biases that shape police culture and policies. The Macpherson Report, which followed the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence in 1993, highlighted the “institutional racism” present in the police force and recommended comprehensive reforms (Macpherson, 1999). While some progress has been made since then many critics argue that little has changed at the structural level, with ethnic minority communities still disproportionately affected by arrests, stop-and-search tactics and use of force. Some police services have been accused of still being institutionally racist, sexist and homophobic (i.e. the Casey Review, 2022, into the Metropolitan Police Service). However, other police services should attend to the reviews findings and not assume that this is merely a Metropolitan Police problem.
The history of policing as a tool of social control has also shaped public perceptions. Many view the police not as protectors of public safety but as enforcers of a system that disproportionately punishes the poor and people of colour (Reiner, 2010). In a society where income inequality and access to resources remain starkly divided along racial and socio-economic lines, policing practices have been criticised for exacerbating rather than addressing these inequalities (Hillyard and Tombs, 2007). For example, the over-policing of inner-city areas, which often have higher concentrations of ethnic minority populations, has led to a perception of the police as an occupying force rather than an institution serving to protect citizens (Bowling and Phillips, 2002). To address these systemic issues, policing in the UK must be re-imagined in ways that recognise and confront the historical legacies of inequality (Emsley, 2019). Tackling the enduring issue of institutional racism requires deep reflection within the police service itself, as well as structural reforms that aim to create a more equitable and fair policing system (Macpherson, 1999). Only by acknowledging the historical context of policing can the UK move toward a system that serves all communities fairly and justly (Shiner and Delsol, 2015).
To address the pressing issues facing modern policing in the UK, it is crucial to reform training and accountability structures within police services. Officers are frequently placed in high-pressure situations and tasked with making split-second decisions, often with life-or-death consequences. As such, ensuring that police officers are properly trained to handle complex situations – particularly those involving vulnerable individuals, people in crisis and minority communities – is crucial to reducing the incidence of misconduct and improving police-community relations.
Training programmes for UK police officers have been criticised for their limited scope and lack of use of evidence-based practices (Hope, 2024). Arguably, many officers are inadequately prepared to deal with issues such as mental health crises, drug addiction or domestic abuse and as a result, they lack the knowledge and understanding to make appropriate interventions. Aside from the ongoing debate around the exact nature and extent of the police function, it is essential that police training evolves to address these gaps by incorporating more credible and evidence-based education into the curriculum. Furthermore, officers should be taught to recognise their own biases and how these biases may influence their interactions with the public.
Equally important is the establishment of more robust accountability mechanisms. The lack of transparency in the investigation and prosecution of police misconduct continues to undermine public trust. For example, cases of police violence or inappropriate behaviour are often seen as being handled internally, with little public oversight. This lack of transparency can create a culture of impunity, where officers feel they can act without consequence. Whilst police services have improved in this regard more recently, the Angiolini Inquiry (Angiolini, 2024) demonstrates that a more rigorous recruitment and selection process is required, as well as a better system of monitoring police officer throughout their career journey to effectively support officers in crisis or difficulty, and where appropriate weed out officers and staff unsuitable for their office. Caution must be exercised on many fronts, however. Police officers under investigation have rights and these should not be any less than ordinary citizens. Decisions and sanctions must be based on evidence and not be driven by politics. Equally, the fact that an individual is a police officer or police staff should not prevent a thorough investigation where misconduct is suspected or reported. Research is ongoing to try to find ways of weeding out applicants before they are recruited. There has to be a clear understanding that searching for a “crystal ball” at recruitment might be something research cannot provide. In addition, people change, and how they were on recruitment might not reflect their true self, or it might not reflect the person they were when they are found to have committed misconduct and/or criminal offences. More likely, creating a system of monitoring throughout a career history and having systems of support and monitoring will yield more over time.
The increasing reliance on technology in modern policing offers both opportunities and risks. On one hand, tools such as body-worn cameras, automatic number plate recognition (ANPR) and predictive policing systems can improve transparency, aid investigations and enhance the overall efficiency of police operations. However, these technologies also raise concerns regarding civil liberties, privacy and the potential for exacerbating existing biases within the criminal justice system (Yada, 2024). Body-worn cameras, for example, are seen as a tool for increasing accountability by documenting interactions between police officers and the public. However, there are concerns about selective footage release and whether these cameras truly lead to meaningful improvements in police behaviour. While there is evidence that body cameras can reduce the use of excessive force, their effectiveness in addressing issues like racial profiling and misconduct is less clear (Lum et al., 2020).
Similarly, the use of predictive policing tools, which rely on historical crime data to forecast where future crimes are likely to occur, raises ethical concerns. These systems have been criticised for perpetuating racial biases by relying on data that reflects existing patterns of over-policing in minority communities. If predictive policing algorithms are not carefully designed and constantly reviewed, they can inadvertently reinforce the very inequalities they are meant to address (Almasoud and Idowu, 2024). To ensure that technology serves to enhance public safety without infringing on civil liberties, it is essential that its use be subject to strict regulations and oversight. Clear guidelines should be established to govern the deployment of surveillance technologies, with a focus on safeguarding privacy and preventing abuse. Furthermore, the use of technology must be accompanied by regular assessments to ensure it does not disproportionately harm vulnerable or marginalised communities.
In this issue, Cant and Makinde explore an essential part of the VAWG strategy that relates to women in the night-time economy (NTE). They point out that the responsibility to keep women safe is a joint one between the police and security staff and sought in their research to identify how (and whether) this reflected in collaborations between the two groups. The study revealed the crucial role that non-statutory agencies may play in maintaining order at night and reflects pragmatic taking of responsibility where gaps exist in police abilities to always respond in a time critical way. Often security guards acted to assist the public in areas where blurred lines existed between their role and that of the police. Often security guards intervened and compromised their own safety in doing so. The research identifies several ways the collaboration between agencies in the NTE could be improved and there is scope for further research around the part played by workers in the NTE who whilst also potential victims, are an important source of information in terms of their ability to watch and understand situations of danger etc. as they arise and alert the appropriate agencies.
Stephen Wadley and Matt Philips provide an insight into college student perceptions of the value of obtaining a university degree and how it relates to policing. Additionally, their article details opinions of the perceived benefit of a degree in supporting career progression. Findings in brief, related to the following. First, respondents positively demonstrated an intention to progress from school/college to university, believing that having a degree or some form of formalised training is beneficial to their own personal and professional development. Second, almost half of respondents indicated that they felt a police officer should have a degree to properly perform their duties. Third, there was a mixed response as to whether they would prefer a police officer had a degree when dealing with the public. Finally, over half of respondents felt that holding a degree would be beneficial for career development within the police. This preliminary research is important but preceded the policing change from a degree-holder only profession to the inclusion of a non-degree holder pathway (Andrews, 2024). Andrews (2024) also points to the continuing dislike of the “D” word (degree), where the public agree that police officers need a better level of training and education but seem specifically “put off” by the term. Ironically, given that the change to degree holder entry routes lacked a real evidence base, so too does the decision to revert to non-degree holder entry. More research is needed in this area to try to understand the best way to develop effective police officers of the future.
Barbin reveals a surprising lack of underpinning evidence relating to how police specialism is defined, conceived and operationalised nationally. The study related to the way specialisms are developed and how people develop within them. The research uncovers the often-piecemeal manner in which specialisms are created, and how lack of funding and lack of relevant education and training of the specialist staff can often leave teams and individuals hostage to fortune especially if a specialism loses support or is considered less important at a later date. Particularly striking was the discovery that people working in specialist teams often command the respect of a specialist when this is sometimes a false logic. Working in a specialist team does not make you a specialist. More is required to develop and nurture individuals so that they are a specialist, and often this is overlooked. This has echoes of the uniformed police officer who becomes a detective, and the next day is expected to manage a crime investigation seamlessly because they have transitioned to detective now. Barbin’s work will hopefully lead to further research because it may impact directly on the debate about experience, expertise and competence that often follow in reviews cases that have failed (i.e. inexperienced staff investigating cases way above their current capacity to do so). This goes to the heart of questions about police effectiveness in investigations, especially the most serious of crimes.
Abdul Hye Miah and Dr Neil McBride explore how facial recognition technology may distance the police from the public and consider ways to address this issue. While often presented as a groundbreaking advancement in policing, facial recognition raises significant ethical concerns, particularly regarding human rights, privacy, informed consent, racial bias and mass surveillance. Drawing on Emmanuel Levinas’ work (1969), this paper examines the moral injury associated with facial recognition as its use expands in law enforcement. Levinas argues that recognizing the “other” through the human face is fundamental to ethical responsibility, fostering qualities such as empathy, compassion and patience through direct interaction. However, by reducing faces to numerical data and geometric points, facial recognition technology disrupts this essential human connection, potentially undermining ethical policing and public trust. While the technology offers benefits for crime prevention and detection, its implementation may carry unintended consequences, raising deeper questions about the role of policing and how communities are policed. Unlike forensic advancements such as fingerprinting or DNA analysis, facial recognition touches on fundamental issues of identity and human interaction, with the potential to exacerbate the moral injury already felt by communities subjected to discriminatory policing. Although finding solutions is complex, this paper proposes guiding principles and recommendations to ensure a more ethical approach to the use of facial recognition in policing.
O’Neill and Mozova examine how Trauma-Informed Practice (TIP)-based supervision is understood and implemented by justice professionals in the UK. Using a qualitative phenomenological approach with supplementary quantitative data, it surveyed and interviewed police officers (n = 53 survey; n = 5 interview), solicitors/barristers (n = 47 survey; n = 4 interview), intermediaries (n = 56 survey; n = 4 interview) and judges/magistrates (n = 5 interview). The findings revealed a widespread misconception of supervision, often mistaken for case management. While police officers acknowledged its existence, supervision was inconsistent and inadequate, and other professionals reported a complete absence of it. However, participants’ detailed accounts of trauma and its impact on mental health underscored the urgent need for TIP-based supervision. As justice organisations undergo reforms, this research advocates the integration of TIP supervision across all sectors, embedding it in initial training and ensuring delivery by properly trained personnel. As the first study of its kind in the English justice system, it has significant global implications, given the prevalence of trauma in justice systems worldwide.
