Climate information practices among indigenous Western Himalayan people examined through uses and gratifications theory Open Access

The Hindu-Kush Himalayas and Karakoram region has the most glaciers on earth outside the two poles (Craig, 2016). These glaciers provide freshwater to nearly two billion people (Panday, 2021). Climate change has turned these freshwater reserves from priceless asset to looming threat, with millions now facing constant risk of glacial lake outburst floods (Taylor et al., 2023). Climate information can help indigenous Himalayan people adapt better to their changing environment since research has linked information flow and climate adaptation (Van Valkengoed et al., 2022). However, the usability of climate information has come under question as gaps remain between what researchers consider useful information and what users apply in decision making (Lemos et al., 2012). Scholars suggest this problem may be addressed by focusing on local sociocultural processes and knowledge systems (Nightingale et al., 2020).

In the past five years, improvements in Internet infrastructure in Western Himalayas has increased the use of social media (Kohari, 2020) and is changing the way information is sought and spread, thereby impacting climate change awareness. The Himalayas have been labelled a potential climate change laboratory due to its varied climate zones and geographical significance (Chauhan et al., 2023). However, little research has been conducted exploring the region's sociocultural processes, information practices or climate perceptions (Ali et al., 2023). This sparsity of research needs to be addressed since information considered trustworthy and useable by indigenous populations enhances local climate adaptation capabilities (Adger, 2003). Furthermore, adaptation efforts are ineffective and can even be destructive when implemented without first understanding local sociocultural forces (Cote and Nightingale, 2012).

Uses and gratifications theory explores the motivations and selection patterns which “attract and hold audiences” within the use of new mass media (Ruggiero, 2000, p. 3). Chatman (1991) argues the theory provides a way to study the information practices of what she defined as small worlds. These small worlds are characterised by social conditions — such as limited time horizons, narrow worldviews, overreliance on local information, and ingrained mistrust of outsiders — that can lead to unhelpful information practices.

We applied Chatman's framework for gratification seeking among small worlds to shed light on how sociocultural processes and digitalisation affect climate information practices in Western Himalayas. This research can help improve awareness and adaptation capabilities by increasing local buy-in and reducing risk of maladaptation. As Chatman (1996) observed, information professionals have an obligation to examine the information needs of poor and overlooked populations. We therefore answer the following two research question: (1). What are the climate information practices of indigenous Western Himalayan people in the age of digitalisation? (2). How propositions of uses and gratifications theory among impoverished populations apply to indigenous Western H. people's climate information practices?

Next, existing research is detailed before we expand on how the empirical data was collected and analysed. We then present our findings before finally discussing them and their implications on climate adaptation among Himalayan people in particular and indigenous populations in general.

The links between information practices and climate adaptation are well established. Nelson et al. (2007) argue that changing knowledge systems can lead to increased calls for adaptation. Since climate change is local and unique, climate information also needs to be diverse and specific to spatial and temporal settings (Lu, 2011). Research has also shown that climate information practices can change not only from society to society but within societies themselves (Alidu et al., 2022). Due to this, harnessing different knowledge systems, especially indigenous knowledge, can help make better informed adaptation decisions (Petzold et al., 2020).

Additionally, indigenous knowledge is important and unique since it is situated and inseparable from the land and the people (Latulippe and Klenk, 2020). While indigenous communities have historically relied on local knowledge, the rapid rate of climate change means that situated knowledge — passed down over generations and crucial for the survival of indigenous communities — is becoming increasingly insufficient (Chang and Wi, 2018). Moreover, there is an argument that transformative climate adaptation can only be achieved if it is “founded on change in knowledge systems” (Nightingale et al., 2020, p. 344).

This connection between climate adaptation and knowledge systems is strengthened by digitalisation, as technologies change the way information is spread across physical space (Khadri, 2021). Social media has emerged as a crucial source of information, including climate information (Schäfer and Painter, 2021). However, there remains a “persistent gap between knowledge production and use” of climate information (Lemos et al., 2012, p. 789). Scholars have shown that improving information systems enhances climate resilience, but not enough research has been conducted on the topic, especially research exploring local contexts (Pan et al., 2022).

Furthermore, sociocultural processes determine the flow of information, with Savolainen (2009) underlining the importance of context in information seeking and sharing. Chatman (1991, 1996, 1999) describes how those living in small worlds, defined as closed-off and tightly knit groups, experience information poverty. This information poverty stems from a focus on information that “fits into the everyday reality of life” and is “produced within a specific context” (Chatman, 1999, p. 208). These small worlds are bound by social control that determine what is worth paying attention to as well as what information is considered relevant, trustworthy and valuable (Chatman, 1996). Hence, Chatman (1999) states that “understanding the workings of a community holds many benefits” (Chatman (1999), pp. 211).

Climate change adaptation is a mix of various sociocultural and political processes (Eriksen et al., 2015), and adaptation efforts often fail if they are not embraced by local communities (Agrawal and Gibson, 1999). This is because climate change is uncertain, and climate predictions come with risks and trade-offs (Kates et al., 2012). These risks can be make-or-break for impoverished communities, making trusted information doubly important. Social capital drives adaptation processes by determining what actions are taken and what information is trusted (Adger et al., 2005).

Therefore, scholars highlight the risk of maladaptation if adaptation efforts are undertaken without an insight into local sociocultural contexts and knowledge systems (Magnan et al., 2016). This is even more important in developing countries where haphazard adaption interventions have caused more harm than good (Eriksen et al., 2021). Understanding local social processes and knowledge systems is thereby necessary to reduce the risk of maladaptation and achieve transformative climate adaptation (Juhola et al., 2016).

Uses and gratifications theory aims to understand the motivation behind information practices (Eginli and Tas, 2018). The theory explores what brings and holds audiences to new mass media, making it particularly useful to explain media consumption as technologies evolve (Ruggiero, 2000). These motivations to search for specific information and content are “not isolated static traits, but rather, comprise a set of interactive needs and expectations” (Rubin, 1983, p. 39). Uses and gratifications theory has a long tradition in communication and information studies, with Katz et al. (1973, p. 509) claiming interest in studying gratification of users “goes back to the beginning of empirical mass communication research”, dating back to the early 1940s. A primary tenet of the theory is viewing users as rational and self-aware individuals who expect their needs to be satisfied by certain media and content (Blumler and Katz, 1974). This allows uses and gratifications theory to remain just as applicable in the age of social media, where interactivity strengthens its notion of active users. The theory can be used to analyse social media adoption and use, especially with social media changing the way gratification and information are sought (Leiner et al., 2018).

Chatman's application of gratifications theory Chatman (1991) applied uses and gratifications theory to inspect the information practices of lower-class American populations, listing six propositions within the theory's literature through which poor people view their social reality and “satisfy their intellectual, social, and physical needs” (Chatman 1999, p. 438). These propositions were: (1). Impoverished people have a narrow and local worldview; (2). Poor people do not believe in their chances of success in new endeavours and therefore do not undertake them; (3). The poor get information about noteworthy events from people like themselves; (4). The poor view the world as local, concrete, unpredictable, and even hostile; (5). Lower-class people have a more restricted time horizon as their present needs are more pressing; and (6). Mass media is used for escape, fantasy, and instant gratification. We analyse how these propositions apply to indigenous Himalayan people and put forward a new proposition to add to uses and gratifications theory that is required to accurately reflect the examined climate information practices.

To gather data, 30 interviews were conducted in Western Himalayas in March 2024. Most of our respondents were young university students as they represent the early adopters of the Internet and social media in the region. Some older participants, who regularly used social media, were also recruited to diversify the group of respondents. These included researchers as well as people working other jobs. We used already existing contacts to recruit some of the participants. By interviewing respondents at the Karakoram International University campuses in Gilgit and Hunza cities, where students from across Gilgit-Baltistan gather to study, we were able to get participants hailing from various parts of the region. Interviews were also conducted in Nomal and Gulkhin, two villages on the outskirts of Gilgit and Hunza respectively, to further diversify the participant pool. After this, we employed a snowballing method by asking them to recommend suitable participants. The help of a university professor was also requested to gather more female respondents. This was done to avoid a skewed representation of the population with mostly male participants since the region has high gender segregation (Walter, 2021).

A study of information practices on social media necessitates focusing on young and educated individuals. A literature review of indigenous people and digital divides states how several studies note that “young Indigenous peoples are early adopters and frequent users of social media and the internet”, while “elders do not like to use new technologies, including social media” (Intahchomphoo, 2018, p. 97).

Before the interview, participants were provided a summary of what it entailed and asked to sign a consent form. The consent form was also translated verbally into Urdu since not all participants were fluent in English. Respondents were informed that audio recordings of the interviews will be saved until they are transcribed by the first author. The consent form discussed how the data will be stored according to EU protocols and that participants have anonymity and the right to opt out at any time of their choosing.

The semi-structured interviews were conducted in Urdu with the aid of a guide, which acted as a checklist to ensure that all themes were covered. While Urdu was not the first language of our participants, who all speak regional tribal languages, they were all fluent in Urdu since it is commonly spoken in the region to communicate with members of other tribes as well as people from other parts of the country. Since this is not a discourse or linguistic analysis, we believe that the use of Urdu and the subsequent translation into English by the first author does not take away from the results. The wider themes of the interviews included the background of the interviewees, their use of social media, how they searched and consumed information, specifically climate information, the way digitalisation and social media has impacted information practices and society, as well as the impacts of climate change in the region, what is being done about it, and what they think needs to be done.

Data was collected in Pakistan's Gilgit-Baltistan region across multiple cities in the Hunza, Skardu, and Gilgit districts. EU regulations were applied for data collection and storage due to the authors' university being within the EU. The interviews were then anonymised before being translated from Urdu into English and transcribed by the first author. In accordance with national research guidelines (TENK, n.d.), no ethical review was required considering all participants were adults who signed consent forms and were not exposed to any harmful materials or physical examinations.

A framework analysis (Ritchie et al., 2003) was applied to the interview data. Framework analysis is commonly used for qualitative content analysis of semi-structured interviews since it provides clear steps that produce a structured output of summarised data (Gale et al., 2013). Such an analysis aims to “identify, describe, and interpret key patterns” within the data (Goldsmith, 2021, p. 2061). The steps — as outlined by Ritchie et al. (2003) and applied by Goldsmith (2021) — data familiarisation, identification of a thematic framework, indexing of data against said framework, charting of index data, and mapping and pattern interpretation — were applied to the data. These distinct and systematic steps mean that the use of framework analysis allows for an easy audit trail (Parkinson et al., 2016), with the transparent nature of the steps enhancing rigour (Ezzy, 2002).

A separate data familiarisation process was deemed unnecessary since the first author was conducting as well as translating and transcribing the interviews. Chatman's (1996) application of uses and gratifications theory was chosen as the thematic framework. This meant that a new framework did not need to be created, and the analysis instead focused on how well the data fitted the existing model. Comments were made on Microsoft Word within the margins of the transcripts while indexing the data. This was done to make the final analysis easier as recommended by Ritchie et al. (2013). By doing so, initial patterns were analysed and identified during the indexing process. Goldsmith (2021) states that the indexing step is where the framework being applied can be revised to provide a better fit for the data. This flexibility was another reason why framework analysis was used. Ritchie et al. (2003) have highlighted this and encourage researchers to be creative in their analysis and the story they provide as long as the steps of their method are followed with rigour. The data did not reflect some of the propositions used by Chatman, while we also found that another proposition was required to better reflect gratification from climate information. This was an iterative process that allowed for several reassessments of the original framework, where it was decided that a distinction was required between a lack of gratification being derived from climate information and problems relating to time horizons. The transcribed excerpts from the interviews that fit into the propositions were then charted into a matrix form using Microsoft Excel for easier analysis (Swallow et al., 2003). By charting the data before the interpretation process, we were able to examine the data within the wider context while still leaving room for participants' subjective frames (Gale et al., 2013). The data was then interpreted to find the patterns within it. In this step, the entire dataset was reviewed to find clusters that mirrored the modified framework. This was done through reviewing, recombining, collapsing and condensing data into the specific patterns provided by the matrix to create a story that aptly summarised the data, as suggested by Goldsmith (2021).

In this section we look at the climate information practices of indigenous Western Himalayan people in the age of digitalisation and how the propositions of uses and gratifications theory outlined by Chatman apply to them. Digitalisation is changing the way people in Western Himalayas are searching and using information, providing new avenues for gratification and climate information. Most of Chatman's propositions apply to the participants of the study at least to some extent, while we contend that one does not. Additionally, we put forward a new proposition that we believe must be considered when looking at gratification and climate information practices among indigenous Western Himalayan populations. The findings are summarised in Table 1 at the end of the results section.

One of the defining characteristics of life in a small world is that people are kept in place by strong family and social ties that determine appropriate future aims and goals (Rainwater, 1970). This provides familiarity, safety, and a grounded sense of reality but may hinder ambitions and what is considered achievable. Authors have discussed how information within small worlds is home-centred and life is extremely local (Hoggart, 2017). This was also the case in the Himalayas where the biggest motivator for gratification was whether the information related to the region.

This locality of life combined with the strong connection that indigenous populations have with their land (Wildcat et al., 2014) made some respondents lean towards local information sources.

Strong social and familial bonds of small worlds determine the boundaries of ambitions, leading to a sense of fatalism (Surlin, 1977), largely limiting information search to present needs. This fatalism was evident in the responses of several of our interlocuters. Respondents felt there is only so much they can do to impact climate change, even if they harbour concerns over it, mainly due to political marginalisation.

Cooley (2017) states that those living in small worlds tend to lack inspiring personalities, which further inhibits their ambitions. Social media and the rise of influencers is changing that, with the fame and traction gained by some Western Himalayan influencers allowing new ambitions to emerge as achievable.

Chatman (1991) argues that the “absence of cosmopolitan orientation” and “life in a marginal milieu” (Chatman 1991, p. 439) can reinforce the boundaries of small worlds. Digitalisation is helping indigenous Himalayan people connect with the rest of the country and the world, shedding a positive light on the region and its people, and changing perceptions in the process.

Progress due to digitalisation has also provided new hope and avenues of income. This has helped alleviate feelings of fatalism among some, with respondents discussing the positive impact of spreading information about the region.

Hence, while social structures and information practices remain largely defined by the characteristics of small worlds, digitalisation is challenging some of the boundaries traditionally associated with such communities.

Members of impoverished communities tend to have lower expectations of succeeding in unfamiliar endeavours. This is because social forces determine what is considered appropriate goal setting and ambitions. This was found to be the case with our participants as well. Climate information was not sought because people do not believe they can make a difference. This is in line with Chatman's claims that poor people do not defer gratification as they do not see themselves in a position where they can improve their future. Participants expressed a lack of confidence in their ability to impact climate change issues, chiefly due to a feeling of hopelessness regarding their ability to shape policy.

Responders said a lack of political representation in government institutes and a general sense of apathy from the authorities makes searching and spreading of climate information feel pointless.

Others gave different reasons for their fatalistic outlook, believing that a small community like theirs cannot impact a global phenomenon such as climate change.

Some interlocuters also feared that climate action can appear futile if catastrophes are considered divine intervention.

Digitalisation has helped people feel less despondent about their chances of bringing about change. Pressure applied through social media has sometimes led to action from authorities, somewhat increasing feelings of empowerment. Participant 20 said that “while there are a lot of problems, some have been resolved due to social media”, offering a recent example where social media helped mobilise people to pressurise the government into taking back their decision of revoking wheat subsidies. Similarly, some content creators are also feeling empowered by increased digitisation due to the feedback they receive from their viewers.

Chatman (2000, p. 3) defines legitimised others as “people who share a physical and/or conceptual space within a common landscape of cultural meaning”. She argues that people in small worlds prefer a first-level lifestyle in which lived experience is key. Hence, they usually get information from others within their own social milieu. This was true in some cases for our participants, who valued and preferred indigenous information. Participant 2, for example, said the following about indigenous farmers:

Like in Chatman's (1991) research, participants made a distinction between what she refers to as first-level knowledge of things where knowledge of things comes from experience and second-level knowledge about things. Interlocuters said that they prefer local information because the locals experience those conditions every day and therefore observe them more often and closely. Information from legitimised others was said to be “lived and experienced on a daily basis” and therefore “more applicable” (Participant 7). Others also argued that local information is more authentic since it comes directly from a first-hand source.

Meanwhile, respondents also believed that indigenous knowledge's history and tradition make it more valid and valuable. This was in agreement with Chatman's claims of legitimised others being valued as a source of information due to shared cultural meanings.

Furthermore, regional community-run social media groups have resulted in quicker spread of information, making local information more up to date and solidifying preferences for it.

Respondents also gave other reasons to prefer information originating from legitimised others. Local information was also preferred by some since legitimised others can be personally held accountable in small societies where everyone knows everyone. Due to this, it was argued that there is a smaller chance that people will willingly spread false information.

Some also implied that information from legitimised others is more trustworthy for them since they recognise the importance of timely and accurate information as well as the repercussions of false information.

Chatman (2000) argues that legitimised others strongly shape and modify the information that enter small worlds. This leads to a collective sense of having a reasonable grasp on everyday reality and scepticism about outsiders' ability to understand their world, which can cause a distrust of external information. Since, impoverished populations cannot afford to arbitrarily trust untested information, this solidifies preference for known information sources (Dervin and Greenberg, 1972). However, this distrust was not present among most of the participants of our study. Even when local information was preferred, the outside world was not dismissed completely as a valid source of information. This was despite an attitude of looking at outsiders as “them”, which Hoggart (2017) states is prevalent in small worlds. In fact, external content was considered superior by some participants due to a number of reasons.

Some respondents revealed their preference for external information was due to its focus on scientific research, as compared to local knowledge that was said to be mixed with hearsay.

Similarly, several participants preferred information produced externally because it is based on concrete data and pointed out that local information can be tainted by religion and superstition. Some even discounted local climate information because they believed the rapid changes caused by global warming have rendered it obsolete.

Meanwhile, Participant 1 said they consume external content because foreign producers have superior technology at their disposal, stating that they feel external content has “better information as well as better (production) quality”. Prevalence of this sentiment was confirmed by respondents creating content on social media, who added that they feel they cannot compete with external content creators and the technology at their disposal.

Chatman states that members of small worlds prefer situational and experiential information because they do not consider outside information applicable to them. However, this claim was in stark contrast to our participants' responses, who consumed external information to learn about climate disasters in other countries and the measures taken there to mitigate or counter their effects.

Finally, some participants saw no reason to prefer one over the other, arguing that indigenous and scientific information run parallel to each other and are not necessarily contradictory or mutually exclusive.

Chatman (1991) called impoverished populations' time horizons as “perhaps the heart of the theory” (Chatman 1991, p. 438). Impoverished populations tend to focus mostly on the present when consuming information. This could be a consequence of a lack of belief in their own abilities, a bleak outlook of the future, or a lack of time due to more pressing concerns in the present. This was also the case in Western Himalayas, with participants highlighting that most of the population is too busy making ends meet to concern themselves with future worries. Instead, climate change is only pushed into people's time horizons when it drastically impacts daily life.

Irelan and Besner (1965) claim that since impoverished populations feel let down by the larger world, their information practices are oriented largely by present needs. This was echoed by others who also said that they search for climate information only after a climate disaster.

However, this apathy towards climate information does not stem from a lack of awareness. Participants emphasised that everyone is aware of the changes taking place, since climate change and its risks are an inescapable lived reality. However, they do not have the time to search for answers or solutions.

Some even implied that it is a luxury to have the time and resources required to search for climate information, stating it “is only the concern of university students, researchers, and people working in relevant departments.” (Participant 25).

This backs Cohen and Hodges' (1963) claim that the meagre resources of the poor are spent on current needs, leaving them with no room to focus on future problems. A lack of resources therefore means that solving the issue of climate change is not within their time horizon, as several participants emphasised.

Uses and gratifications theory states that impoverished people consume mass media mostly for instant gratification and escapism due to several reasons. These include a lack of confidence in their ability to change the future, the severe repercussions of risk-taking and trusting untested information, and limited time and resources to impact the future. This phenomenon was also observed among our participants. Participant 25, who was majoring in an environment-related subject, bemoaned the fact that climate information is now readily available but still people either don't know how to or have little motivation to search for it.

Furthermore, even participants who felt that climate change is a major issue in the region and needs to be addressed said they used social media to “watch playthroughs and game clips on social media” (participant 20) or look at “largely UFC videos and other sports” (participant 5). Frustration at their inability to do anything about it is also causing some to avoid climate information. Participant 14, for instance, said they no longer search for climate information even though they feel strongly about it since the information only serves to make them feel despondent and does little besides “saddening the heart”.

In the same vein, another participant discussed people's preference for information that provides instant gratification and expressed a belief that people are only interested in information that aligns with their preconceived notions and worldviews.

Participants also claimed that even people who are becoming more interested in global warming would rather discuss it with researchers and experts than look it up online or on social media, which continues to predominantly be a mode for entertainment.

To accurately reflect the motivations behind climate information practices across new mass media in Western Himalayas, a novel proposition is put forward. This proposition differs from issues relating to limited time horizons and fatalism among small worlds since it relates specifically to climate information on social media rather than to sociocultural conditions of small worlds. We contend that climate information does not provide instant gratification and is not consumed on social media because climate change is widely considered a problem for the future. This was the case even for participants who expressed concerns over global warming and the recent increase in climate disasters. Compounding the issue, climate change can appear abstract, hard to grasp and even harder to tackle. Due to this, people do not necessarily derive the same kind of gratification from climate information that they would from information pertaining to other problems. This significantly inhibits the search and spread of climate information on social media in Western Himalayas. This phenomenon was also noted by some participants, who expressed frustration at the blasé attitude many people have towards the climate.

While this outlook is similar to a limited time horizon, this attitude prevailed more towards climate information than towards information related to other problems. Crucially, those who had the time and inclination to search for information usually focused more on other issues that they believed had a bigger impact on their present conditions. Participant 9, for instance, discussed how climate is not on their agenda “just yet” as there are “bigger issues” to tackle.

This means that an important distinction needs to be made between fatalism, which refers to a bleak outlook of the future, and limited time horizons, which refers to an almost myopic focus on the present, and the proposition we put forward. Participants that both planned for the future and were confident in their ability to impact it still failed to get gratification from climate information. Their information practices on social media led to consumption of media that focused on other problems rather than climate change. Similar to research on other indigenous populations (Intahchomphoo, 2018), social media was used by some of our participants to help the community, create a better image of the region among non-indigenous populations, campaign for their rights, and promote tourism. These actions show future planning and problem solving that belies a fatalistic viewpoint or myopic time horizon. However, even these individuals who do plan for the future seldom consume or search specifically for climate information.

Locals are also hesitant to act on abstract climate risk, especially if it means migrating to other places. This is not only because of their strong connection to the land but also due to a lack of resource safety net which means that taking risk can have catastrophic consequences.

This avoidance of climate information can become deeply ingrained. Another participant, who previously worked for a climate organisation, also discussed how some people do not like to hear about climate change and even accuse those spreading awareness of fearmongering.

Similarly, an environment student highlighted this apathy towards climate information and bemoaned how people do not realise the importance of adapting to climate change.

Others looked at climate change as something that may potentially impact future business ventures rather than as an existential threat. Participant 23, for example, admitted that they only consume climate information to see what would be the best place to invest in a hotel.

This lack of climate information gratification is leading to low information output as climate content is not garnering enough traction, with the lack of demand fuelling the lack of supply. Respondents said that there is a lack of climate information on social media, with participant 13 stating that most local social media platforms are “not covering it as much anymore”. Another argued though that this dearth of climate content on local social media platforms is because climate content only becomes popular after a climate disaster.

Some participants also expressed frustration at the lack of urgency surrounding climate change among both policymakers and the public, with participant 2 stating that “nobody is serious, neither the people nor the government”. This further promotes lower gratification, with the lack of supply and demand of climate information on social media feeding each other. On a similar note, another participant felt there is no point in being aware of climate change without there being any calls to action.

This was echoed by participant 4, who feared that they may be in over their heads by the time people realise the importance of climate change:

Hence, climate information on social media continues to lack gratification due to a number of reasons. This is leading to a self-fuelling cycle, hindering the motivation of users to search and consume climate information as well as the motivation of content creators to create and spread it across new mass media. However, others were more hopeful and observed that social media is challenging this pattern of climate ambivalence.

Our results show that the climate information practices of indigenous Western Himalayan people are defined by their strong social and familial bonds as is the case in small and impoverished worlds. Narrow worldviews are further reinforced by a prioritisation of information relating to the region. Limited time horizons, impoverishment, and perceptions of climate change remain the biggest hindrances to search and spread of climate information. Political and geographical marginalisation leads to pessimism about the future, which means that mass media is seen mainly as a means for escapism. However, the recent increase in digitalisation in the region is drastically changing the way information is sought and spread (Kumar et al., 2021). In doing so, digitalisation is empowering the local population and challenging long-held notions in a multitude of ways.

Most of uses and gratifications theory's propositions relating to small worlds are applicable at least to some extent to the information practices of indigenous people in Western Himalayas. While scholars suggest that uses and gratifications theory is an effective way to understand the motivations behind the use of new means of mass media (Quan-Haase and Young, 2014), it is still interesting to note that propositions formulated more than 30 years ago in the pre-internet age are still applicable today. This makes sense though since the social conditions faced by indigenous Himalayan people in Western Himalayas are similar to those of the impoverished populations that Chatman studied nearly 3 decades ago. While most research has pivoted from analysing access of digital techolgoies to their usage (Charmaraman et al., 2022), Western Himalayan populations still suffer from poor Internet access and infrastructure (Ali et al., 2024).

Our paper focuses on young, educated and internet-savvy participants, but society as a whole remains impoverished, and infrastructure remains poor (Ali et al., 2023). Alongside similar economic conditions to Chatman's participants, Western Himalayan populations also face social pressures and exclusion due to geographic, cultural, and historical reasons (Sökefeld, 2023) that typify small worlds. While our participants are mostly educated and outward-looking, we argue that they still represent the small world they live in. This is because small worlds are defined by their social context and norms (Burnett et al., 2001; Savolainen, 2009), with native worldviews affirming what information is important and trustworthy to benefit the community as a whole (Roy and Shiroma, 2021). Despite their slightly privileged position, our respondents are governed by the same social forces and contexts that shape society and information practices in Western Himalayas as a whole. One defining feature of such groups is that members are “concerned with their own small world … and information that can be used there” (Fulton, 2010, p. 249) which, as we highlighted in the results section, is the case with our respondents.

A heavy reliance on legitimised others based on little room to act on untested information and a strong sense of safety in conformity garnered by strong social and familial ties mean that local information sources are trusted and preferred. These social bonds can also serve to keep ambitions in check, leading to fatalism and a limited time horizon. This causes future planning to be considered futile, encouraging the use of mass media for escapism and instant gratification.

However, not all propositions were relevant to indigenous Himalayan information practices. External information was generally considered valuable, and in some cases even preferred to local information, because it was associated with better scientific standards and production quality. The main motivator and source of gratification was the region in focus, backing claims that impoverished and indigenous populations can have narrow and local worldviews where the main deciding factor of information consumption is the region (Intahchomphoo, 2018). We add to uses and gratifications theory by putting forward an additional proposition specifically regarding gratification from climate information. Digitalisation has allowed local populations in the Himalayas to access information more easily (Kumar et al., 2021), yet climate information remains an infrequently searched topic. We argue that this is because climate change is considered a problem for the future. Thereby, climate information does not give the kind of instant gratification provided by escapism through entertainment, or information pertaining to other needs. While our research finds that climate information is not instantly gratifying specifically for indigenous people in Western Himalayas, we believe this phenomenon to be universally applicable. However, more research is required, especially among other indigenous communities, to determine whether that is the case.

In the meanwhile, as Chatman (1991) highlighted over 30 years ago, limited time horizons remain the biggest hurdle to search and use of information among impoverished populations. Participants stressed that everyone in the region is aware of the recent drastic changes in the climate since it is an obvious lived reality. However, they do not have the time and economic resources to do anything about it. This is causing a vicious cycle where the most impoverished and climate vulnerable, who are the ones most in need of climate information, are the ones least able to seek it, mirroring similar claims made by Adger et al. (2013). While most of our participants — university students and those with the technological and financial means to use social media — cannot be considered poor within Western Himalayas, society as a whole remains impoverished due to geographical, political, and technological isolation.

On the other hand, preferences were divided between local and external information. Respondents that preferred local information justified it by underlining the importance of ancestral indigenous knowledge and lived experience, as well as higher applicability of local information and the ability to hold local information sources personally accountable. This strengthens the notion of indigenous people living in closed-off worlds potentially preferring information from legitimised others (Intahchomphoo, 2018). Strong social forces of small worlds can determine what information sources are considered trustworthy as well as what is worth paying attention to and acting upon (Cote and Nightingale, 2012). Research has already shown how this impacts climate action (Whitmarsh et al., 2022). Social structure is particularly significant in such circles, meaning that spread of information is shaped by taken-for-granted social forces. Harnessing these information practices can help improve climate adaptation, as highlighted by Vink et al. (2013).

These social structures and forces can cause small worlds to be suspicious of external information. However, that was not the case with our respondents. Instead, external information was often acknowledged as being more research-oriented, data-driven, and better produced due to superior technological and economic resources. A more significant criterion was that information related to the region, regardless of where it was produced. There is ample research highlighting the strong connection indigenous people have with their land (Finau et al., 2023). This meant that information created using local data but with advanced foreign technology and scientific rigour was the idealised standard for most participants. The acceptance of external information might be explained by the fact that the region's tourism industry provides significant economic benefit and exposure to the outside world (Ali, 2023). This is in line with Roy and Shiroma's (2021) findings that indigenous small worlds can be enhanced by information seeking outside the community. The choice of information sources can therefore not be said to hinder climate information consumption in Western Himalayas.

On the other hand, participants' climate information consumption is impacted by a fatalism and low confidence in their ability to make a difference. Most feel marginalised and ignored since the region is not a constitutional part of Pakistan and is ruled in a manner that is described as postcolonial colonialism (Sökefeld, 2023). This fatalism also stems from the knowledge that the region barely contributes to climate change yet stands to face the brunt of it (Ali et al., 2024). Our results show that recent digitalisation is challenging this, with respondents providing examples where social media has helped mobilise successful protests and pressure authorities into action.

However, these issues mean participants have little motivation to search for information on an issue they believe they cannot impact, arguing that consuming climate information only serves to dismay them. Hence, respondents used social media mostly for distraction from other worries and entertainment rather than future planning. Interestingly, social media was often used to consume content that showcased the natural beauty of the region and its tourist destinations, but not the impact that climate change may have on those places. This is in line with Chatman's claim that impoverished populations use media mainly for escapism and instant gratification.

Crucially for their information practices, participants referred to climate change as a future possibility rather than something that they are currently living in the midst of. This is concerning since flash floods now claim hundreds of lives every year in the Himalayas, with millions more being impacted (Taylor et al., 2023). It is also notable considering the region's already low adaptive capacity (Rasul et al., 2014). Other concerns — such as political marginalisation, poor infrastructure and a lack of earning opportunities (Ali et al., 2024) — are more tangible and therefore easier to worry about and discuss.

To compound matters, climate change is notoriously difficult to predict, and the risks and opportunity costs involved in taking action can be discouragingly high (Kates et al., 2012). Additionally, climate change and especially climate vulnerability is complex and can appear abstract (Füssel, 2007). Participants revealed that asking even severely at-risk populations to evacuate their land has led to severe backlash in the past. Chatman (1996) argues that those living in small worlds tend to be influenced more by social boundaries and are hence more risk-averse. Additionally, impoverishment and a lack of resources can cause risk-taking to have catastrophic consequences, making indigenous Himalayan populations risk-averse even in the face of possible disaster (Ali et al., 2023).

Finally, it is important to note the distinction between climate information not being sought because of sociocultural conditions, such as fatalism and limited time horizons, and because climate information is not considered instantly gratifying. Our proposition relates to people who had both the time and the desire to search for information about the future but opted to consume information relating to other issues that were considered more pressing and solvable. This difference is not just theoretical but rather comes with practical implications as well. Problems of limited time horizons require a more thorough look at and possible revamp of the sociocultural landscape to change information practices. On the other hand, the issue of climate information not being instantly gratifying can be solved through better climate awareness and by making climate change less abstract as a concept. This can be aided by the factors that make information seem more trustworthy to members of small worlds and the high motivation that indigenous populations have to consume information specific to their region. Such a solution is self-sustaining while also being easier and quicker to implement than tackling sociocultural hurdles that require more comprehensive and systemic changes.

This study sheds light on climate information practices of indigenous Western Himalayan people and what that means for their climate awareness and adaptation capabilities. We conducted semi-structured interviews in Western Himalayas to analyse how indigenous populations search and consume climate information. We then used framework analysis to examine how propositions of uses and gratifications theory used by Chatman apply to climate information practices in the region.

Our paper adds to the growing body of research that shows that sociocultural conditions, information practices, and climate adaptation are inextricably linked. We found that most of the propositions that applied to impoverished populations in the Americas in the 1990s are still applicable to indigenous Western Himalayan populations today. Our respondents suffer from limited time horizons and fatalism, leading to use of mass media for escapism rather than future planning. While many prefer local information relating to their region and have narrow worldviews, they do not look at external information with distrust.

Lastly, we propose another proposition for uses and gratifications theory relating specifically to climate information, arguing that climate information is not instantly gratifying since many still consider it to be a problem for the future. By doing so, we provide a pathway to help enhance the climate adaptation capabilities of indigenous populations, especially in the Himalayas.