The Fourth Industrial Revolution, driven by the Internet, has formed a new digital social ecology. In the dual context of China’s aging demographic structure and the overarching layout and planning of a digital China, there is an urgent need to review its digital policies in bridging the digital divide for the elderly and to identify lessons to be learnt by other countries.
This paper is based on a real-life case study that condenses China’s policies, deconstructs the causes of the digital divide among the elderly from the perspective of the “Three-Level Digital Divide” model, through a qualitative analysis to examine the implications of China’s digital inclusion strategies.
The Chinese Government has played a leading role in bridging the digital divide for the elderly. A series of measures has been taken, including promoting the equitable distribution of digital infrastructure, strengthening digital education for the elderly, and promoting the age-appropriate transformation of digital devices and services. These policies have achieved positive results.
The potential role of new technologies in socioeconomic transformation, exemplified through the case study, should be recognized and replicated. Innovative approaches to protect the digital rights and interests of the elderly and promote equitable development are analyzed through a novel model that dissects the digital divide among the elderly with more sustainable and inclusive solutions.
Introduction
The Internet-based digital era is affecting more and more elderly people — defined by the World Health Organization as the 60+ age group. New organizational and resource allocation models, often referred to as “Internet+” forms, are emerging. “Internet+” refers to the integration of traditional industries and services with Internet technologies, such as cloud computing, big data, and mobile connectivity, to create innovative solutions (Ge et al., 2024). These forms have demonstrated the possibility of providing more inclusive and higher quality products and services for the elderly. But this potential will not be realized automatically. Since 2020, the global transmission of COVID-19 has led countries around the world to adopt physical distancing measures and stringent control strategies. In China, the rapid and widespread use of information and digital technologies has led to a degree of “passivity” in the use and access to digital networks for some of China’s elderly population. For example, the mandatory use of the health code — a digital tool for tracking the movements of COVID-19 cases — has forced some older people to integrate into digital life.
The 49th Statistical Report on Internet Development in China released in February 2022 indicated that the population of Chinese Internet users reached 1.032 billion representing 73 percent of the total population of China by December 2021. Among them, the proportion of Internet users aged 60 and above increased from 6.7 percent in March 2020 to 11.5 percent in December 2021, reaching 119 million in size. In contrast, the proportion of the Internet user group aged 60 and above only rose slowly from 4.8 percent to 6.9 percent in the two-year earlier period from June 2017 to June 2019. The trend is promising. However, even with a smartphone, elderly people still face barriers regarding digital inclusion, such as the difficulty in accessing digital services, e.g., digital medical care, poor social participation and communication due to unfamiliarity with digital interfaces or language barriers. These barriers are often caused by limited digital literacy, diverse levels of education, low availability of targeted services for the elderly, and general lack of age awareness in the community and technology companies, which is also a global concern (Yang and Pan, 2021).
In the face of profound social changes caused by the intersection of global aging and digitalization, all sectors have reached the consensus through research and practical exploration — there is an urgent need to build a digitally inclusive society (Lam and Lee, 2006; Michael et al., 2012; Neves et al., 2019). In the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the United Nations also clearly states that “eradicating poverty in all its forms and dimensions, (including digital poverty), is the greatest global challenge and an indispensable requirement for sustainable development” (United Nations General Assembly, 2015). The European Union’s publications, “EU 2020 Strategy: Shaping Europe’s Digital Future”, and the EU “White Paper on Artificial Intelligence”, both emphasize the importance of digital literacy and the implementation of programs for the digital empowerment of individuals (EU, 2010). The United States leads the way in digital technology development while places greater emphasis on the critical role of digital inclusion. The launch of the national Broadband Technology Opportunities Program and various forms of urban digital inclusion innovation projects have paved the way forward in the U.S. (American Library Association, 2013). In this context, driven by the COVID-19 pandemic, China has decisively taken strong measures to remedy the digital divide of the aging population. The Implementation Guideline on “Effectively Addressing the Difficulties of Using Smart Technology by the Elderly” issued by China’s State Council, specifies the responsibilities of various government departments to improve elderly-oriented digital technology in high-frequency matters and service scenarios involving the elderly. This is a regulatory effort to quickly form a long-term mechanism to address the plight of digital divide of the senior citizens. A qualitative analysis will examine the series of policies made to ensure fulfillment of the digital rights for all.
Literature review
The concept of digital divide was first introduced in the 1990s by scholars to define the difference between having access to ICTs and not having access to them (Yu, 2006). Thus, the early bridging of the digital divide was addressed by ensuring access to Internet infrastructure. Over time and with the spread of mobile terminals, the concept of the digital divide was extended in both connotation and scopes. The focus was shifted to the capabilities and skills of the potential users. Since 2002, the academia has revised the overly technical definition of the concept of the digital divide to focus more on the social, psychological, and cultural context (Hsieh et al., 2008), hereafter the concepts of first digital divides and second digital divides have emerged. Others have since argued that differences in the outcomes of Internet access should be included in the discussion of the deeper digital divide. As of today, there is a scarcity of research on the third level of the digital divide as shown in Figure 1 and no consensus has been reached (Yang and Pan, 2021). This multilevel construct of the digital divide will be explained in the theory section of this article.
The current representative concept of the digital divide is presented by OECD as “the gap between individuals, households, businesses and geographical areas at different socioeconomic levels in terms of access to information and communication technologies and the use of the Internet in various activities and their use” (OECD, 2019). In addition to the institutional and technical aspects, the elderly, as a special group, have insufficient digital literacy and skills to operate digital devices and are faced with a digital service “use divide” dilemma. The use divide refers to the difference in the level of skills possessed by individuals (Taylor, 2024). Digital illiteracy among elderly people is a well-established phenomenon in studies related to the digital divide (Demoussis and Giannakopoulos, 2006). Related research shows that age is an important factor in the digital divide (Niehaves and Plattfaut, 2014). The reasons for this can be attributed to the fact that older people are disadvantaged in two dimensions: physiological function and cognitive ability, resulting in a lack of skills and abilities in using digital devices (Czaja and Lee, 2007). Health condition is an important factor influencing digital technology use among older adults (Ang et al., 2021; Hunsaker and Hargittai, 2018). At the elderly age, their physical functions decline, and their hearing, eyesight and mobility deteriorate, resulting in a decline in their ability to operate and limiting their use of the Internet (Zhang and Chen, 2013). The rapid iterations of external networked devices and various applications are also posing a huge challenge for the aging population whose attention span and memory are declining (Shen, 2013).
Digital society has given rise to new interpretations, broadening the content of existing rights, while also creating new rights that are different from the existing ones. China’s digitalization process has been accelerated significantly due to the impact of the COVID-19 and consequent epidemic prevention and control measures. The extensive use of digital technology in the fight against the epidemic has amplified the age-related digital divide (Song et al., 2021). Elderly people are often excluded from the construction of the digital society due to their slower speed in information reception and comparatively lower adaptability. Lacking basic digital access devices and digital literacy, the elderly groups cannot easily enjoy their basic digital rights, such as the right to be connected to the Internet and the right to use information infrastructure. It is important to note that the root cause of the digital inclusion dilemma of the elderly is not digital technology nor the physical conditions of older people themselves, but the less efficient institutional environment manifested by digital technology (Pan and Yang, 2020).
Theoretical framework
Three-Level Digital Divide model
The various difficulties faced by the elderly in terms of digital inclusion, as described in the original digital divide theory, are all external manifestations of the underlying digital divide faced by the elderly. It is important to note that at the level of the age-related digital divide, the prevailing interpretation of the digital divide overlooks the inequitable and unjust social system design behind behavioral differences and imbalances in resource distribution. Such narratives consist of, for example, the persistent disadvantage of the elderly’s impaired rights or weaknesses in capacity and lack of motivation that are at the root of difficulties in digital access. As a result, some scholars have moved from the economic and capability poverty of the “access gap” and “use gap” to the “rights gap” of social deprivation and social exclusion to provide a comprehensive picture of the multiple barriers to digital inclusion faced by the elderly (Yang and Pan, 2021). Thus, Yang and Pan propose a Three-Level Digital Divide Onion model for qualitative analysis of digital divide (Figure 1).
Level 1: Hardware and network access to the Internet, including availability of devices (e.g., computers, smartphones), network connections (e.g., broadband, mobile networks), and related infrastructure support.
Level 2: The digital skills and literacy of the individual or group to use the Internet, including whether the Internet is used and the level of proficiency and purpose of using.
Level 3: Impaired rights and discrimination faced by the elderly in a digital society. The digital divide at this level not only encompasses economic and capability poverty but also goes deeper, including inequities and injustices in the design of social-technological systems. This results in the persistent vulnerability of older groups in terms of digital access, use, and knowledge acquisition.
As a group, persons older than 60 years of age in China often encounter all three levels of digital divide that require comprehensive measures to enhance their participation and enjoyment of digital rights.
Social cognitive theory
Social cognitive theory, proposed by Albert Bandura, emphasizes how the interaction between environmental factors and individual states affects individual behavior. Bandura believed that learning is not a passive result of direct reinforcement by external factors, but an active process influenced by the behavior of others. Individuals are first confronted with new technologies, paradigms, and institutions, which trigger changes in their psychological and physiological states. The individual then generates a decision intention based on observing the impact of this change on oneself and predicts the possible outcomes of this intention from a future perspective. This process is called “Triadic Reciprocal Determinism” (Bandura, 1986).
In addressing the digital divide in aging, the theory provides important perspectives: first, observational learning plays a crucial role in the learning process of older people in digital technologies. Older people are more likely to learn new skills through observation and imitation, if they are supported by their family members, friends, or community members who are skillful in the use of digital technologies. However, if older adults lack such role models in their social circles, their motivation and opportunities to learn digital technologies are greatly reduced. Second, self-efficacy is an important factor affecting older adults’ digital technology learning. Older adults who lack confidence in their ability to use digital technologies tend to avoid trying new technologies. This low perception of self-efficacy may stem from past experiences of failure, fear of technology, or an underestimation of their own abilities. On the contrary, if older adults experience success in the learning process, their perception of self-efficacy will be enhanced, leading to more active participation in digital technology learning. Third, environmental factors play a key role in older adults’ digital technology learning. The support of family, community, and social environment can significantly improve the learning effect of older adults. For example, family members can provide technical support and emotional encouragement to help them overcome difficulties in the learning process. Communities can organize digital skills training courses and provide specialized training equipment and teachers. At the social level, governments and enterprises can improve the digital environment for older people through policy support and technological innovation.
Capability approach
The Capability Approach, proposed by Amartya Sen, is a theoretical framework of development emphasizing an individual’s actual capabilities and functioning as result of available development opportunities. In this theory, “functions” refer to the various states and activities that individuals can achieve, such as health, education, and social participation. “Capabilities” refer to the actual choices and ability of individuals to achieve different functions, i.e., individuals should not only have resources but also have the freedom to choose how to use those resources in their environment. According to Sen, a just society should ensure that all individuals have equal opportunities to realize basic functions and capabilities, not just an equal distribution of resources. Thus, the capability approach focuses not only on whether individuals have resources, but also on whether they can freely choose and realize the functions that come with those resources, thereby enhancing individual well-being and social justice. This approach has a wide range of applications in policy formulation and social assessment, such as public health, education, and social welfare policies, which aim to enhance the actual capabilities of individuals by providing them with the necessary support and resources to ensure that they can freely choose and realize their life goals (Sen, 1993).
Sen’s capability approach provides a framework for a comprehensive assessment of the digital divide in aging. Older people not only need resources (e.g., devices, networks), but they also need to be able to freely choose how to use those resources. For example, even if older adults have smartphones, if they do not have the freedom to choose the environment in which they learn and use these devices, their digital capabilities remain limited. At the same time, the capability approach emphasizes the impact of social structures and policies on individual capabilities. A just society should ensure that all older persons have equal opportunities to realize basic digital functions and capabilities. By focusing on the actual capabilities and capacities of older persons, the approach emphasizes the importance of free choice and provides new perspectives for policymaking to ensure that all older persons have equal opportunities to achieve basic digital functions and capacities, thereby promoting digital inclusion and social integration at the Third level of Digital Divide.
Case analyses and policy initiatives bridging the digital divide
Access divide: the gap between hardware facility and network infrastructure
Health Code is a mobile app used by the Chinese government for contact tracing of people infected with COVID-19. It is widely used in application scenarios such as traffic and travel, returning to work, entering business buildings, and the entry and exit of residential communities. Health Code effectively solved the difficult challenge of identification and access for epidemic prevention and control. In the context of the standardization of the epidemic prevention and control measures, conflicts increased between the elderly and staff in charge of Epidemic Prevention and Control Measures due to elderly groups’ lack of access to digital devices for the scanning of Health Code.
At the “access divide” level, the gap between the Internet access rate of Chinese seniors and other age groups is narrowing, but the gap remains large. Although the proportion of senior Internet users aged 60 and above in China jumped from 6.7 percent in March 2020 to 11.5 percent in December 2021, reflecting a significant increase over the 21-month period, there is still a gap between the number of current senior Internet users and the number of the total senior population, which accounts for about 18.3 percent of China’s total population. A large number of seniors, approximately 146 million, are still “unconnected” to the Internet. In unmanned banking, online ticketing, health code access and other life situations, the elderly are not only unable to acquire digital resources to support and enjoy convenient services online, but also unable to get alternative services offline.
From the perspective of the “access divide”, the reasons that prevent the elderly from using digital technology (e.g. health codes) can be attributed to the following underlying factors. First, from the perspective of software design, although the use of health codes is a real-world social behavior relying on the Internet platform, the design and use of health codes fail to respond adequately to the needs of older persons (Wang, 2021). Second, according to a survey conducted by Wang in Shandong Province, China, most older adults reported that “their cell phones do not have traffic packages” or that “their phones are not smartphones but are specially designed for older adults and do not have many Internet access features” (Wang, 2021). Most of the smart terminal devices currently on the market, such as smartphones, tablets, computers, etc., do not have age attributes in terms of functionality, which resulted in the lack of age-appropriate intelligent devices designed especially for the elderly (Blažič and Blažič, 2020). Most existing electronic products for the elderly are at the low-end level only having phone call features, radio receivers, which do not have Internet function, creating unintended barriers for the elders to becoming more engaged with digital life. Third, from the urban and rural dimensions, the elderly in remote territories face more serious digital integration problems because they are in a triple disadvantaged situation of economic level, spatial location, and social services. Due to the lack of information infrastructure in rural areas, especially in remote rural areas, the physical conditions for network access remained stagnant, and the digital promotion effort is not satisfactory. As of June 2023, the Internet penetration rate in rural areas of China was 60.5 percent, while the rate in urban areas was 78.9 percent, nearly 18.4 percent higher than that of rural areas. Affected by economic and cultural factors, many older people do not actively choose to install home information technology devices and seldom buy the latest electronic products (Cruz-Jesus et al., 2018).
Use divide: the gap between digital use and digital literacy
In terms of education level and cognitive ability, people with higher education can stay abreast of technological developments and therefore have a higher capability to access digital technology (Wilson et al., 2003). According to China’s seventh population census in 2020, the proportion of people aged 60 and above with high school education or above was 13.90 percent, while those under 40 with a high school education or above reached 30.6 percent. The overall level of education of the elderly is generally lower than that of the younger generation, and a large proportion of the elderly have not received well-established education or have only received an elementary level of education, thus their low level of literacy hinders the elderly’s use of smart terminals. Unlike the “digital natives” of the young and middle-aged generations, the elderly rarely receive scientific and systematic training in information technology (Prensky, 2001). While new digital media technologies are more conceptually tied to younger generations, older adults are often described as “technophobes”, a trait that correlates with older adults’ psychological reactions and rejection of the use of digital technology. Many seniors are also limited to a specific way of using intelligent devices and are reluctant to learn new technology content when it becomes available, preferring to keep their old habits. In general, the elderly have been found to lack the skills needed to operate digital devices and the “digital mindset”. Such deficiencies hinder their use of new media and digital technologies, thus preventing the elderly from benefiting adequately from digital services that could improve the quality of their daily lives (Figure 2).
Inconvenience faced by non-Internet users due to lack of access. Source: CNNIC (2021)
Rights divide: age discrimination and impaired rights
In the extended dimension of the “rights divide”, the exclusionary trend of social concepts and institutions of “age discrimination” brings institutionalized and systematic infringement on the empowerment and development of all elderly groups in real and digital aspects. The current mainstream Internet technology development is aimed at the younger generation and designed according to their Internet habits and abilities (Leonardi et al., 2008). As the elderly group is not the main target customers of Internet enterprises, the age adaptation of products not only fails to bring an increase in benefits but rather causes an increase in costs. Also, the age-friendly adjustments of products are superficial, lacking comprehensive adaptation of the whole product framework and underlying logic (Li, 2021). The sub-optimal utility and inadequate accessibility of various digital products and services in meeting realistic needs affect elderly group’s usage of digital products (Lu and Wei, 2021).
The elderly, the disabled, and other disadvantaged groups need to rely on digital technology to compensate for inconveniences caused by functional decline, congenital defects, or other disabilities, to participate more equally in society in general and in the digital life of modern society in specific. Recently, all sectors of society have gradually become aware of these issues, and the Chinese government has started to issue relevant policies while Internet companies have also actively and voluntarily promoted the age-friendly adjustment of their products. All of these reflected the good development trend of institutional and technological changes to improve the digital integration of the elderly.
To systematically address the digital divide of China’s elderly, this study applies the Three-Level Digital Divide framework (Access, Use, and Rights) to analyze challenges and classify policy interventions. Table 1 synthesizes China’s policy actions, implementation, and outcomes, reducing redundancy while highlighting the alignment between theoretical constructs and practical measures.
Policy Interventions aligned with the Three-Level Digital Divide
| Levels of Digital Divide | Policy Interventions | Policy Content | Local Adoption |
|---|---|---|---|
| Level 1: Access Divide (Hardware & Infrastructure) | Policy Action I: Promote Digital Infrastructure | Equalise urban-rural digital services by prioritizing inclusive infrastructure, enhancing rural broadband connectivity, and reducing costs. | By 2024, 98% of poor villages achieved fiber connectivity (up from less than 70% in 2016). Rural Internet penetration reached 60.5% (vs. 78.9% in urban areas), enabling e-commerce growth. |
| Level 2: Use Divide (Skills & Literacy) | Policy Action II: Digital Literacy Education | Establish training systems via identifying community “information helpers”, setting up the elderly universities, and promote family-led digital feedback to support the digital learning of the elders. (Zhou, 2015) | Shanghai deployed 600+ elderly “digital experience officers” and created citywide training bases. Family involvement improved sustained engagement of the elders. |
| Level 3: Rights Divide (Age Discrimination) | Policy Action III: Age-Appropriate Adjustments | Mandate simplified interfaces (e.g., larger fonts, voice assistance) by online platforms and maintain offline alternatives for critical services. | Shanghai’s “Digital Companionship Plan” retrofitted Apps for emergencies. Major platforms (e.g., Meituan, Ctrip) launched “elderly modes” with one-click features. |
Source: By authors
This framework demonstrates how China’s top-down policies target each level of the digital divide, offering replicable lessons for other aging societies. China’s Internet policies emphasized infrastructure development, education, and inclusive use design as pillars for digital inclusion. Results from these policy interventions to eliminate the access-use-right aspects of digital divide have been impressive. The COVID-19 pandemic added urgency of reducing the digital divide for public security and accelerated the implementation of these policy directives. The long-term impact of these digital social and physical investments could also contribute to the well-being of society as a whole.
Lessons learnt from the Chinese experience in bridging the digital divide
The digital divide experienced by the aging population falls under the policy domain of social governance, which inherently positions the governments as the main drivers in addressing this socio-technologic and human rights issue. On the demand side, this divide results from the need to prioritize the allocation of limited financial resources, often overlooking the needs of the elderly group, who are perceived to be less in need of online participation. On the supply side, businesses operate under the principle of “maximum audience and profit”, thereby automatically excluding the elderly population from their targeted customer list. With fierce market competition and substantial cost associated by adapting to the aging population, these two factors combined to create “market failure” in the design of aging-adapted digital products and services. This indicates that governments have to respond to the collective interests of older persons by mitigating the past policy inaction that failed to address problems faced by the elderly in a fast-digitalized society like China. Long-term solutions need to be developed to implement the core concept of “people-centeredness” in digital transformation. Policies that provide comprehensive physical and mental health care to the elderly require a reconstruction of the delivery system to meet their basic rights to health in both virtual and real spaces. Significant investments in inclusive infrastructure development, equipment acquisition, and training programs are required to address the digital divide in old age. However, low demands for Internet participation by the elderly, especially in the rural area, along with potentially high costs for age adjustment, have constituted significant barriers to an increase in age-inclusive digital investment by businesses.
Therefore, the issue of overcoming the digital divide for the elderly in China needs to be led by the Government, incorporated into the public service sector, and promoted through financial support, thereby promoting social equity. This means that taxpayers have to shoulder part of the cost of bridging the gap. In the long run, current investments in digital skills for the elderly and the aging population will help to improve the overall level of social welfare, as well as mitigate potential productivity losses due to an aging, along with other societal consequences of aging.
Lesson 1: Policy leadership and governance as the key
The reduced digital divide at different levels (Figure 1) should be attributed to the leadership of the Chinese government. Well-formulated policies targeted at the construction of a digitally inclusive aging society have ensured continuous investment and technological innovation towards digital inclusion. Moreover, public funding and resources have been mobilized to provide the infrastructure and social services needed for older people to participate online, including age-friendly digital technology equipment and network infrastructure. Governance mechanisms, however, should be in place to safeguard equitable distribution among older people, regardless of their location.
Lesson 2: Regulatory requirements and cross-sector coordination
Governments, in collaboration with all responsible parties, should “guarantee” and “verify” age-friendly designs, interfaces, and operations tailored to diverse contexts and usage scenarios of the vulnerable populations, including the older persons. Despite the advancements made in China since the COVID-19 pandemic to ensure the Internet accessibility by the elderly, achieving a digitally inclusive aging society continues to face challenges. For example, the heterogeneity of the elderly population is large, manifested in significant differences in age span, health status, educational level, occupational experience, personality traits, income level, and other characteristics, which result in different social and personal needs of the elderly. The diversity of needs made it difficult to accommodate certain digitalized public services. Moreover, government-led construction of a digital society places high demands on inter-ministerial and inter-departmental coordination. In the absence of a designated coordination mechanism, it becomes challenging to coordinate resource allocations to avoid duplication, which creates hidden risk of fragmented digital governance.
Until now, China’s impetus to bridge the aging digital divide is top-down, with major societal actors remaining passive in the absence of state intervention. However, as the elderly reaching 297 million in 2023, representing 21.1 percent of the total population (Xinhua, 2024), the needs and preferences of this group will inevitably become one of the key target groups of enterprises and commercial platforms in the pursuit of “silver economy” estimated to be around RMB 7tn (US$966bn), equivalent to 6 percent of China’s GDP (Financial Times, 2024). This reality will drive more enterprises and platforms to participate in this market segment, leading to a more digitally inclusive society for the elderly in the future.
On the one hand, the government’s age-friendly policies will continue to enhance the accessibility and age-appropriateness of digital services. On the other hand, stakeholder groups such as technology enterprises, families, social organizations, communities, and the elderly themselves will also learn to work as partners to respond to the more complex needs of age-appropriate digitalization which, by definition, is closely connected to the well-being of the aging population and their communities. Crossing the line from single-sector participation in generating efficient digital solutions to multi-stakeholders and cross-sector partnerships will require greater transparency and trust for a higher degree of cooperation and alignment. To reap the full benefits of digitalization and evolving technologies demands the whole society’s effort with collaboration and resource deployment between the government, business, social sectors and citizen groups.
Conclusion
Bridging the digital divide is a fundamental issue in spreading the benefits of communication technology to all and protecting human rights in every country. It is also a global challenge that requires the international community to work together to reach the 3 billion people deprived of their basic digital rights. This article applies the critical theory of digital divide to uncover and challenge existing structural inequalities. At the same time, the capability approach developed by Amartya Sen is applied to analyze how age-related disparities in access, skills, and opportunities affect the ability of older adults to benefit from digital technologies and related functionality and well-being. The social cognitive theory is also discussed to emphasize the role of social influences and support for the development of digital literacy amongst the elderly population.
Given the significant potential for national development and the emerging fiscal burden of aging, countries are actively experimenting with ways to improve digital connectivity for the older population, who remain functional and could participate in the technology-driven economy. The ongoing digital divide could impede productivity gains and lead to longer-term income traps at both national and individual levels. The unintended exclusion of the older population reflects varying degrees of neglect, hidden bias, and disregard for their basic digital rights and potential contributions when supported by digital tools. However, the policy priority in bridging the general and age-specific digital divide varies across different contexts. The case of China exemplifies the need for public and private partnerships in digital infrastructure development and adjustment. Under the policy impetus, such collaborative investment can promote greater participation of the older population.
The Chinese government is committed to expanding network connectivity, bridging the digital divide, and ensuring the benefits of Internet development are accessible to all Chinese people. Remarkable results have been achieved. China’s strategy in delivering age-inclusive digital accessibility can be summarized in four aspects:
- a)
Adherence to the principle of innovatively combining traditional offline modality and online methods in service provision. Traditional physical services are maintained to ensure full coverage of the basic needs of the elderly as many of them encounter difficulties in using digital technology. At the same time, meeting specific demands of the elderly by strengthening technological innovations and providing more intelligent and age-friendly products and services.
- b)
A balanced approach combining universal applicability and targeted adaptation in technologic deployment, which enhances problem-oriented and demand-driven strategies. This involves adopting universally applicable policies for shared challenges faced by the elderly while implementing differentiated measures tailored to more specific needs or limitations.
- c)
Integration and complementarity of service delivery through online and offline channels, which includes enhancing the age-appropriate construction of online services and offline provisions.
- d)
Commitment to the combination of solving outstanding challenges and institutionalizing a long-term mechanism for digital inclusion, which focuses on high-frequency matters and service scenarios that the elderly encounter in their daily lives.
By solving prominent challenges affecting the well-being of the elderly, the digital inclusive policy effectively guarantees the basic service provision of the elderly. Coupled with a long-term mechanism aims at solving the digital divide of the aging population, this approach ensures that policy implementation continuously improves the service orientation and quality experienced by the elderly. These lessons learnt from the experiences of China offer a pathway toward achieving full digital inclusion for all, including the older persons. Similar policies and approaches could be considered for other countries seeking to catch up in terms of digitalization and national development. Resource constraints have significantly hampered the digitalization of many countries. However, smart partnerships could be leveraged to bridge some of the divides and generate greater technological dividends for all generations through meaningful participation.
