Identity and power differential in academic communities among Southeast Asian international graduate students in the US Open Access

Recent reports from the National Association of Foreign Student Advisers (2022) highlight the significant impact of international graduate students on host countries and universities, particularly in terms of economic contributions and job creation. Specifically, during the 2021–2022 academic year, international students studying in the United States contributed $33.8 billion to the U.S. economy and supported 335,423 jobs (NAFSA, 2022). Among these international students, those from Asian countries constituted a substantial portion, totalling 948,519 students in the 2021/2022 academic year. However, it is important to note that Southeast Asian students represented only 5% of the overall international student population (Open Doors Data, 2022).

The report (NAFSA, 2022) focuses on international students’ economic aspects but overlooks their social, cultural, and political aspects. It portrays them as passive contributors to the economy, ignoring their agency and diverse backgrounds that shape their experiences in the U.S. Their impact extends beyond the economy, highlighting the importance of cultural and intellectual exchange with host communities. To understand international students comprehensively, a poststructuralist perspective was employed. This approach examines discourses and narratives that shape their experiences and identities. Critical perspectives like poststructuralism are crucial in analysing international student identity to uncover power structures and influential discourses (Tavares, 2021).

Previous research highlights challenges faced by international graduate students in the U.S., related to their identities as English as an additional language (EAL) learners, adapting to English-speaking academic communities, and managing multiple identities (Flowerdew & Wang, 2015). U.S. universities hold authority in shaping identity categories, with certain behaviours indicating success or failure (Hawkins, 2005). These students have diverse backgrounds, language proficiencies, and experiences that influence their understanding of the academic environment and navigation strategies. Academic expectations include proficiency in oral and written language, as well as communication practices (Chennamsetti, 2020; Singh, 2015, 2017; Yim, 2005), and assimilation into academic disciplines (Lucas, 2019; Morita, 2004; Wette & Furneaux, 2018). Challenges are further complicated due to intersections of identities as EAL learners, graduate students, and professionals in their home countries. Several studies have also investigated on the power dynamics in the U.S. academic institutions and how these dynamics impose challenges on international students (Baxter, 2019; Bjork, Abrams, Hutchinson, & Kyrkjebo, 2020; Inouye, Lee, & Oldac, 2023).

Moreover, the existing body of literature pertaining to academic identities and language usage has primarily concentrated on pre-service teachers and non-native English-speaking teachers from East Asian nations, such as China (Chang, 2011; Cheng, 2006; Kiely, 2009), Japan (Akazaki, 2010; Morita, 2004), and South Korea (Lee, 2009; Seo & Koro-Ljungberg, 2005). This focus has resulted in a notable gap in knowledge regarding the experiences of international graduate students from Southeast Asia who are pursuing advanced degrees in non-education fields at American universities. This study intends to address this gap by encompassing participants from diverse majors outside of education, thereby contributing to a more comprehensive understanding of the construction of academic identities among international graduate students across various disciplines. In doing so, this study aligns with the research agenda proposed by Norton and De Costa (2018), which highlights the significance of examining the intersectionality of interrelated and overlapping categories, in this case, the international graduate students’ multiple identities. Furthermore, it is worth noting that prior to the onset of the pandemic, students were typically enrolled in traditional learning environments with some incorporation of online components for class discussions and activities. However, the global shutdown of higher education institutions in response to the pandemic has necessitated a shift towards online or remote learning environments (Mishra, Gupta, & Shree, 2020). As a result, learning environments have undergone significant transformations to meet the evolving needs of students. While previous research has predominantly examined conventional learning settings prior to the pandemic, it is imperative to investigate how international graduate students navigate their identities within academic contexts in the post-pandemic era.

Hence, this study aims to investigate the experiences of international graduate students from Southeast Asia who are enrolled in non-education disciplines at U.S. universities and have a first language other than English. By specifically examining this particular cohort of students, the research aims to enhance our comprehension of the processes through which they shape their identities within academic communities.

The continent of Asia is known for its diversity, and as such, international graduate students from different regions within Asia have varying experiences. Bista (2018) acknowledges that Asian students hailing from different areas such as East Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, and West Asia have distinct cultural and academic backgrounds. Southeast Asia includes the countries of Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar (formerly Burma), the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Timor-Leste, and Vietnam.

The discussion of power differentials in academic communities within the context of international graduate students from Southeast Asia is vital to understanding their experiences comprehensively. Particularly, cultural and religious aspects of Southeast Asian identity significantly influence power dynamics within academic settings in hierarchy in education, cultural norms and authority, and intersection of religion and academic power.

The region has been shaped by various influences such as Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, Christianity, colonialism, and globalization, all of which have contributed to shaping the cultural norms, values, and beliefs of the people who live there (Athyal, 2015; SarDesai, 2018). Religious aspects influence the hierarchy in education. The influence of Buddhism and Confucianism in Myanmar, where students are expected to show deference and obedience to their teachers, illustrates a clear power dynamic in the student-teacher relationship. This hierarchy can impact how students from this background engage with instructors and peers in the academic community, affecting their overall experience. For instance, Tin (2008) found that in Myanmar, which is mostly a Buddhist country, respect between students and teachers is heavily influenced by Buddhism and Confucianism philosophies. These philosophies require individuals to devote themselves to their parents and teachers. Teachers are considered equivalent to parents, the Buddha, and the monks, and students are expected to show deference and obedience to their teachers as they would to their parents.

The relationship between culture, identity, and region in Southeast Asia is complex and King (2016) argues that the study of Southeast Asian culture and identity requires a deeper understanding of the region and its people, including an appreciation for the complex historical and political factors that have shaped its development. Understanding the cultural values and beliefs that shape their identity can help in better comprehending and supporting their experiences in academic and social settings.

This study adopts Norton’s (2013) poststructuralist view of identity as a dynamic social construct, acknowledging diverse and contradictory aspects. Globalization has led to evolving hybrid identities (Darvin & Norton, 2015), resulting in identity as multiple and evolving. Identity formation among international students is influenced by various factors, including prior experiences (Abasi & Graves, 2008; Chang, 2011), future plans (Soong, Thi Tran, & Hoa Hiep, 2015), and cultural aspects (Fotovatian, 2012). These complexities are pertinent for Southeast Asian graduate students’ interactions with academic communities. Interactions with peers and faculty shape their self-perception and goals. Identity formation is influenced by language perception (Flowerdew & Wang, 2015), cultural differences (Campbell, 2015), and community support (Abasi & Graves, 2008). In line with the poststructuralist perspective, identity construction here refers to a continuous negotiation of identities influenced by values, ideologies, and power dynamics.

The study is also guided by Lave and Wenger’s (1991) community of practice. It involves individuals collectively learning in a domain. The core components are mutual engagement, joint enterprise, and shared repertoire. Earlier research highlights international students’ challenges in becoming competent academic community members, dealing with language, identity, and power (Cho, 2018; Morita, 2004). EFL perspective sees academic socialization as two-way, requiring newcomers and existing community to adjust (Flowerdew & Wang, 2015). Research shows communities of practice vital for international graduate students, fostering growth through collaboration (Nerad, 2012; Wisker, Robinson, & Shacham, 2007). Participation, however, is not necessarily equal due to diverse backgrounds and skills.

The study incorporated a qualitative multiple case study approach to gain an understanding of the participants’ lived experiences and perspectives. Case studies are widely used due to their explicit focus on context and dynamic interactions over time due to its “flexibility in incorporating multiple perspectives, data collection tools, and interpretive strategies” (Marshall & Rossman, 2016, p. 19). Additionally, case studies allow for an in-depth exploration of the interaction between the case and its context. In this study, the unit of analysis is defined as the individuals and the group of international students, as multiple cases are examined. By employing multiple case studies, the research aims to elicit multiple constructed realities, study the phenomenon holistically, explore novel or marginalized populations, and understand the experiences of the participants (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; as cited in Marshall & Rossman, 2016).

Eligibility for participation required that the research participants be international graduate students from Southeast Asian countries (Brunei, Myanmar, Cambodia, Timor-Leste, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam), have a first language other than English, be enrolled as full-time graduate students at the Midwest University, and have completed at least one semester of their graduate programme. Exclusion criteria included international students from regions other than Southeast Asia, students whose first language is English, and part-time graduate students or those who had not yet completed one semester. For this study, five participants from Southeast Asian countries namely Indonesia (2), Thailand (1), Myanmar (1), and Vietnam (1) were purposefully selected based on the study criteria. These participants had non-English for their first languages and were all enrolled as full-time graduate students, pursuing either master’s or doctoral programmes for at least one semester. The participants’ profiles are summarised in Table 1.

The study was limited to five participants due to the small population of eligible students, which made it challenging to find a larger sample size. International graduate students from Southeast Asian countries represent only 3% (31 students) of the overall population (approx. 30,000) at Midwest University. Given this small pool, snowball sampling was employed as it is a suitable sampling when studying marginalized groups with specific characteristics that are hard to find through traditional methods (Patton, 1990). This limited number allowed for in-depth, qualitative analysis of each participant’s experiences and ensured that the data collected was manageable and detailed. Additionally, focusing on a smaller number of respondents enabled the study to maintain depth in exploring the dynamics of power and identity within this specific group.

The data collection began after obtaining IRB approval (STUDY00149729). The research employed a range of instruments for data collection, including individual interviews, reflective journals, and document reviews. In theorizing the interview methods for this study, the study adopts a discursive perspective that refers to an interview that is conceptualized explicitly as a socially situated “speech event” in which the interviewer and the interviewees make meaning, co-construct knowledge, and participate in social practices (Talmy & Richards, 2011). The primary sources of data for this study comprised transcripts of the interviews, follow-up email correspondences, reflective journals, and various documents such as course syllabi, assignments, and YouTube videos.

The data analysis encompassed four virtual meetings with participants, initial rapport-building and explanatory sessions for reflective journal prompts, followed by three individual interviews. Participants were tasked with reflecting on critical incidents related to academic experiences, challenges, and future plans as international graduate students in the U.S., while also providing relevant documents (e.g. assignments, course plans, etc.). After the interviews, verbatim transcriptions of interviews were obtained, followed by a data cleaning process to enhance accuracy. Then, employing both deductive and inductive approaches, open coding was utilized to identify emerging categories and themes related to research settings, participants, and the literature review (Marshall & Rossman, 2016). Each transcript and reflective journal entry were systematically coded, directly drawing from participants’ language, concepts, and expressed themes. This iterative data analysis process involved transitions between inductive and deductive approaches, facilitated by the creation of a codebook for organizing and identifying themes derived from interviews and reflective journals, resulting in the development of several significant themes.

Finally, to enhance the validity of the analysis, triangulation and member checking techniques were employed. Triangulation involved utilizing multiple sources of data to corroborate the findings, while member checking involved sharing the preliminary analysis with participants to validate the accuracy and interpretation of the data The study employed three types of triangulation; methodological, investigator, and theory triangulation (Patton, 1990). Methodological triangulation was used by collecting data from three different sources, namely interviews, reflective journals, and document analysis. By using multiple methods, I was able to confirm or refute findings from one method with those from another. This approach increases the likelihood that the data collected is accurate and reliable, as it is not based on a single source. Investigator triangulation was also used in the study, where several researchers were employed to analyse the data. This approach helps to reduce the potential bias or subjectivity of any one researcher. After receiving approval from the Institutional Review Board (IRB) (STUDY00149729) at the university, I began collecting data. The IRB approval process involved submitting a detailed research proposal, including the study’s purpose, methodology, and ethical considerations, to ensure the protection of participants’ rights and well-being. The proposal was reviewed to ensure compliance with ethical standards, including informed consent, confidentiality, and the minimization of potential harm to participants. Upon receiving IRB approval, I ensured that all participants were fully informed about the study’s aims and procedures, and their consent was obtained before participation.

In qualitative research, it is important for research designs to encompass reflection on the researcher’s identity, sense of voice, perspectives, and sensitivities, as these elements guide the research questions (Marshall & Rossman, 2016). As the researcher serves as the instrument in qualitative research, it is crucial to articulate a positionality statement that outlines the researcher’s role, access, ethics, entry, data management, analysis, and reporting. Therefore, I acknowledge that I share some similarities with the participants and that my experiences and the social, cultural, and historical forces that have shaped me influence my interpretations of the data. I consider myself an insider as I actively engage in social interactions within the world of the participants being studied. This insider perspective allows for direct and immediate participation in the research environment, which is crucial for building and sustaining relationships with the participants.

The analysis of the data revealed that the participants in this study constructed their identities in response to the power dynamics within academic communities. Cultural identity pertains to the shared identity that reflects an individual’s sense of belonging and affiliation with a specific social group, such as a community, culture, or nationality (Usborne & De La Sablonnière, 2014).

The data analysis found that the participants constructed their identities based on the power differential in academic communities. The differences between the student’s cultural background and the academic culture in the U.S. may create tension that contributes to their identity construction. The findings are consistent with several studies that found that Southeast Asian international graduate students in the U.S. construct their identities based on the intersection of cultural identity and academic identity (Fotovatian, 2012; Kim, 2011; Phelps, 2016). Rubel’s reflective journal reveals power differentials in his personal experience. He drew comparisons between the treatment of undergraduates and postgraduates in Indonesia, as opposed to his experiences in the U.S. This comparison highlighted the variability of power dynamics within educational systems across different regions.

Rubel described the presence of power differentials among students at varying academic levels. In contrast to his experiences in Indonesia, he observed that both international undergraduate and graduate students at Midwest University were treated as mature individuals during the university’s welcoming and orientation sessions. According to Rubel, this treatment reflected the university’s perception of its student body, as it signalled an absence of evident power differentials. Taking a poststructuralist perspective, the policies and practices of educational institutions in Indonesia and the U.S. were influenced by power dynamics. Notably, Rubel highlighted the high regard for professors in Indonesia, which significantly shaped his personal experience.

Ben reflected upon the presence of power differentials within academic communities, drawing from his three major experiences; an undergraduate student in Myanmar, during his study abroad master’s programme in a Korean university, and subsequently in a doctoral programme at Midwest University in the U.S. In his interview, Ben highlighted the shared value of respect for older people in universities in both Myanmar and Korea. Within these academic communities, older individuals, typically graduate students and professors, are held in high esteem due to their age. During his master’s programme in Korea, Ben recalled instances where he was expected to demonstrate respect towards PhD students based on their seniority. In a particular incident, he related where he had to conform to the opinions of his “seniors” even though he was aware of their error. This was because it was deemed inappropriate to express disagreement with individuals of higher seniority.

While Ben acknowledged the importance of respecting elders, he expressed concerns that this practice occasionally impeded the open discussion of potentially ground-breaking research. This observation is consistent with a prior study that revealed the challenges faced by international students in Korean classrooms, including feelings of isolation and difficulties in establishing trust with local students (Kim & Cho, 2022). It is suggested that universities and instructors in Korea may need to offer greater support to these students, particularly in adapting to lecture and group discussion formats, especially in times of academic pressure.

In addition to the power dynamics observed among students, the analysis of the data also unveiled a recurring theme of power differentials between instructors and students. One participant, Rubel, expressed feelings of apprehension when beginning classes at Midwest University upon realizing that his instructors were highly esteemed professors in his field. He noted that in Indonesia, such professors are often regarded as “big names” who are typically perceived as unapproachable, indicating a clear social distance between Rubel and his former professors in Indonesia. However, in contrast to his experiences in Indonesia, Rubel found the professors in the U.S. to be more accessible, supportive, and communicative. This observation highlights a disparity in power dynamics between instructors and students within academic communities in Southeast Asia and the U.S.

The excerpt above showcases Rubel’s identity development as an international graduate student from Indonesia pursuing studies in the U.S. Rubel specifically belongs to the Javanese community in Indonesia, which is renowned for its emphasis on politeness. Previous research on the Javanese community in Indonesia has revealed that politeness is equated with observing proper etiquette and demonstrating respect towards others (Geertz, 1960; as cited in Mahmud, 2018). One way in which politeness is exhibited within the community is through the use of address terms that reflect an individual’s social status, age, gender, and the formality of the setting (Susanto, 2014). In the provided quote, Rubel initially referred to his professors as “Prof Bryan and Prof Alex.” However, when discussing their approachability, he dropped the address term “Prof” and instead used their first names. This shift in Rubel’s identity during the conversation indicates a departure from the norms of his Javanese cultural background, wherein it would be customary for him to politely address his professors using the title “Prof.” Instead, it reflects his identity as an international graduate student studying in the United States, where using first names serves to reduce social distance.

Furthermore, Ben drew comparisons between his experiences with professors in his home country of Myanmar and those in the U.S. In Myanmar, which is predominantly influenced by Buddhist and Confucian philosophies, the values and cultural norms surrounding respect between students and teachers are deeply ingrained (Tin, 2008). These philosophies emphasize devotion and respect towards parents and teachers, positioning teachers as parental figures, the Buddha, or monks. Consequently, students are expected to demonstrate deference and obedience towards their teachers, mirroring the respect shown to their own parents.

This culture of respect was evident in Ben’s interactions with his professors in Myanmar. He regarded them as authoritative figures and accorded them a high degree of respect. However, his experiences in the U.S. presented a stark contrast. The cultural norms pertaining to respect and authority were less rigid, allowing Ben to approach his professors more easily and engage in open and informal discussions. This transition marked a shift in Ben’s identity from viewing professors as strict authority figures to fostering a more egalitarian relationship characterized by collaboration and mentorship.

Ben’s transition from Korea to the U.S. brought about a noticeable shift in the culture of respect, which resembled his experiences in Myanmar. In the U.S., he discovered that his relationship with professors was more informal, resembling a friendship rather than a traditional hierarchical dynamic. This reduction in social distance allowed him to engage in more independent research while studying at Midwest University. As evidence of his transformed learner identity resulting from these professor-student relationships, Ben shared a conference website where he was listed as a presenter, representing his role as an international graduate student at Midwest University. This document symbolizes the shift in his identity as a learner, influenced by the relationships he has formed with his professors.

Ben’s experience aligns with prior research indicating that Asian education systems often prioritize teachers as the primary source of knowledge, with students assuming passive roles emphasizing obedience and compliance. In contrast, Western education tends to emphasize constructivist teaching approaches that promote independent and competitive learning strategies, fostering open communication between students and teachers (Huong & Albright, 2018; Lee & Carrasquillo, 2006). Despite coming from cultural backgrounds that typically ascribe authority to teachers, both Rubel and Ben found the learning environment at Midwest University, where professors were more accessible and approachable, to be more conducive to their growth as students. They perceived that the culture of respect in their home countries limited their potential for development. These limitations hinder open communication between instructors and can lead to feelings of isolation and exclusion, affecting the construction and expression of their cultural identity (Kim, 2011; Wright, 2010).

Viewed through a poststructuralist lens, it becomes evident that institutional practices within universities possess the capacity to either reinforce or challenge existing power dynamics, thereby impacting the experiences, support, and resources available to international students. The contrasting experiences of Rubel and Ben in their home countries and their experiences abroad compelled them to engage in a critical examination of the prevalent power relations within academic communities.

Another participant in this study, Ann, encountered a challenge as a graduate teaching assistant due to the power differential inherent in her role. Previous studies found that international graduate students often face discrimination and cultural bias, particularly related to their teacher identity, which include teaching in a second language, adapting to different teaching styles, and managing cultural differences in the classroom (Adebayo & Allen, 2020; Howlett & Nguyen, 2020; Zhu & Bresnahan, 2021). Ann recounted an incident where a male native English-speaking undergraduate student did not accord her the level of respect she expected. Ann noted that the student addressed her in an informal manner, as if they were friends, which she deemed inappropriate in a professor-student interaction. When asked if a similar situation would arise in Vietnam, Ann responded that students in Vietnam are expected to demonstrate a higher level of respect towards their instructors.

In contrast to Rubel and Ben’s experiences with their instructors, Ann emphasized that her relationship with students was characterized as “not even friends.” She further recounted a challenge she faced as a young lecturer in Vietnam, teaching older students. Despite the general culture of respect towards teachers in Vietnam, Ann encountered discrimination due to her age as a lecturer. Ann’s identity formation was influenced by the culture of respect prevalent in Vietnam, which differed from the academic communities in the U.S. Conflicts emerged in the classroom as Ann and the student held different cultural values, highlighting the challenges instructors from diverse cultural backgrounds may face in adapting to the academic culture of the U.S.

Previous research has documented that international students often encounter challenges in establishing themselves as credible and competent members of academic communities, with issues related to language use, competence, identity, and power dynamics being significant factors (Cho, 2018; Morita, 2004). Furthermore, studies have identified key distinctions between Asian and Western education systems that contribute to these challenges (Huong & Albright, 2018; Lee & Carrasquillo, 2006; Mahmud, 2018; Susanto, 2014; Tin, 2008). For instance, in many Southeast Asian countries, the teacher is regarded as the authoritative figure, and students are expected to unquestioningly adhere to their instructions. This hierarchical structure can create an environment where students may feel limited in expressing their opinions or ideas freely. In contrast, the U.S. education systems place less emphasis on hierarchy and more on critical thinking and independent learning. Students are often encouraged to challenge their instructors’ ideas and engage in discussions and debates with their peers.

Guided by the concept of communities of practice with mutual engagement as the central to the theory (Lave & Wenger, 1991), this research aimed to investigate the dynamics of identity and power within academic communities in the U.S., specifically focusing on international graduate students from Southeast Asia. The study’s findings indicate that power dynamics within academic communities are evident between students and instructors and students that play a significant role in shaping the participants’ construction of identity. The power dynamics in the academic community shaped the participants’ experiences and identities in becoming legitimate members. Each participant brings unique personal histories to the academic community in the U.S., and the norms within that community may either align or conflict with these histories. In the study, the participants’ personal backgrounds from their home countries and their experiences studying abroad both complemented and clashed with one another. Thus, based on a poststructuralist’s perspective, the findings contradict Lave and Wenger’s (1991) concept of mutual engagement as the participants demonstrated a sense of agency by adopting and adapting various forms of participation and identity construction within different communities.

The study has several implications. Theoretically, the findings suggest a need to expand upon the communities of practice theory proposed by Lave and Wenger (1991) as power dynamics play a significant role in shaping participants’ experiences and identities within academic communities. Future researchers could further explore how power dynamics interact with mutual engagement in different contexts. In terms of the pedagogical implications, understanding the power dynamics between students and students-instructors is crucial for designing effective teaching and learning strategies. Educators should be aware of how power imbalances may influence students’ identities and engagement within academic communities, particularly when dealing with international students. Additionally, future researchers could employ longitudinal studies to track the evolution of international students’ identities and experiences throughout their academic journeys. This approach could provide insights into how these dynamics change over time and the long-term effects on students’ personal and professional lives.

One of the main strengths of this research is the position of the researcher as an insider. This insider perspective facilitated deeper connections with participants and provided richer data, as the researcher could directly relate to and understand the participants’ experiences. Moreover, the use of reflective journals to collect data allowed participants to express their thoughts and experiences in their own words and at their own pace, leading to more authentic and detailed accounts. This method also provided continuous data collection over time, capturing the evolving nature of participants’ identities and experiences within academic communities.

In conclusion, this research has highlighted the complex relationship between power, identity, and participation within academic communities, with a specific focus on international graduate students from Southeast Asia in the U.S. The findings have challenged existing theories, emphasizing the crucial role that power dynamics play in shaping individuals’ experiences and identities within these communities.

The research encountered two primary limitations that had the potential to undermine the rigour of the research - researcher bias and limited prolonged engagement. I recognize that I have some similarities with the participants and that my personal experiences, as well as the societal, cultural, and historical influences that have shaped me, can impact how I interpret the data. Nevertheless, my insider perspective as an international graduate student at the same university played a vital role in mitigating researcher bias. As an insider, I actively participate in the social interactions within the world of the participants under study. This insider viewpoint enables direct and immediate immersion in the research environment, which is essential for establishing and maintaining relationships with the participants. Additionally, the limited duration of engagement with the participants may have influenced the depth of insights due to their various academic and personal commitments. To address this issue, I conducted multiple individual interviews while collecting reflective journals and relevant documents related to their identities as graduate students.

Throughout the process of conducting the study and writing the dissertation, I have gained valuable insights about my capabilities as a researcher and a writer. I have realized that I need to improve my attention to detail and accuracy in data collection and interpretation, and that seeking the perspectives of other researchers can provide a more objective perspective of the data. Furthermore, I have acknowledged that my analysis of the participants’ identity construction was constrained by my tendency to compartmentalize their experiences, rather than viewing them as interconnected and fluid, as advocated by poststructuralist perspectives.

This article is derived from the author's PhD dissertation completed at the University of Kansas under the supervision of Dr. Hyesun Cho.