Young adults on childhood experiences of induced minor earthquakes: the impact of chronic human-made disaster in the Netherlands Open Access

Early life experience of disaster can impact children's development, even when events are small-scale and ongoing rather than large destructive events (Carnie et al., 2011; Dunlop et al., 2021). Most research on children and disasters focuses on standardised mental health outcomes following large-scale events such as floods or nuclear accidents, examining how terror and grief relates to post-traumatic stress, anxiety and behavioural problems (Masten and Narayan, 2012; Pfefferbaum et al., 2014). Yet, these insights are insufficient to understand the impact of smaller-scale and ongoing disasters, as these pose different consequences for communities (Brennan and Danielak, 2022; Shrestha and Gaillard, 2013). This study focuses on small-scale chronic disasters resulting from ongoing and recurring human-made hazards, such as mining activities and environmental pollution (United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction [UNDRR], 2018). These preventable yet persistent disasters subject children to ongoing instability and uncertainty, posing serious risks for development as they cope with adversity from human actions outside their understanding (Manix, 2001; Masten and Narayan, 2012). To examine possible long-term consequences and needs for children, this study investigates the lived experiences of young adults (18–30 years (Arnett, 2000)) who were exposed to induced minor earthquakes during their childhood (Cox et al., 2017; Spencer and Thompson, 2024; UNDRR, 2015).

The UNDRR defines human-made hazards as potentially damaging processes “induced entirely or predominantly by human activities and choices” and explicitly excludes conflicts or other unstable situations subjected to humanitarian or national law (UNDRR, 2018, p. 13). When recurring or continuous damage done by a human-made hazard exceeds a community's capacity to cope, this damage can contribute to chronic disaster (UNDRR, 2017). Examples include oil pollution in the Niger Delta, degrading vital ecosystems (Jack, 2025) and mining-induced land subsidence in Kiruna, Sweden, forcing the relocation of buildings (López, 2024). These conditions often undermine ontological security, reflected in a diminished sense of stability and trust in one's environment and social relationships (Dupuis and Thorns, 1998; Wakefield and Elliott, 2000), for example through disruptions to housing, income and trust in others (Dunlop et al., 2021; Jack, 2025).

These slow-emerging situations are often not perceived or dealt with as actual disasters by media or authorities, due to conflicting interests or because of a blurred link between causes and consequences (Brennan and Danielak, 2022; Verdoes and Boin, 2021; Wisner and Gaillard, 2010; Zaidi, 2018). This raises questions on accountability and responsibility for solutions and support, including healthcare provision, financial or material compensation and measures to prevent further exposure (Tennakoon et al., 2021). Marginalised communities are particularly vulnerable to such neglect due to structural barriers related to race, beliefs or geography, often resulting in reduced access to disaster support and hindered recovery (Ferreira et al., 2024; Lukasiewicz, 2020). This shows how human-made disasters can contribute to chronically unstable environments in affected communities (Tracy et al., 2021; Zhang et al., 2025).

When disasters, and particularly their management, affect children's living environment, authorities are obliged to act in the child's best interest, as set out in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (United Nations General Assembly, 1989, Art. 3, 6, and 12). In practice, however, young people's lived experiences are often overlooked by authorities and researchers, despite their importance for disaster management to meet young people's needs (Cox et al., 2017; Spencer and Thompson, 2024; UNDRR, 2015). Within disaster studies, “lived experience” refers to how people experience, understand and respond to a disaster before, during and after exposure, with attention on how they make sense of events in their own context (Peek, 2008; Spencer and Thompson, 2024). For chronic human-made disasters, both exposure and experiences remain poorly understood, especially across the life course. As meaning-making develops with age, examining lived experiences is central to understanding changing perceptions of early life events (Haehner et al., 2024).

To conceptualise children's exposure to chronic human-made disasters, we apply the life course approach, incorporating lived experiences and long-term impact by focusing on how development is shaped by context and social relationships (Elder and George, 2016; Zhang et al., 2024). The context of a chronic human-made disaster concerns both the exposure to its tangible consequences and its management efforts. Tangible consequences include ongoing health risks or safety concerns related to the disaster source. Disaster management also affects living stability through measures such as financial compensation or relocation. When disaster management's organisation, procedures and communication are perceived as insufficient and unjust, young people might experience a loss of ontological security (Wakefield and Elliott, 2000; Zhang et al., 2025). Evidence from England shows that fracking practices contributed to loss of control and growing institutional distrust among young people, highlighting the chronic nature of the problem (Dunlop et al., 2021).

Furthermore, the social environment's response during a disaster crucially shapes children's exposure and resilience. Parents, as primary attachment figures, provide emotional security and guidance; their effective coping can buffer children from adverse outcomes (Witting et al., 2021). However, when parents face ongoing government-related conflicts in human-made disaster, resulting stress may undermine the home environment and endanger children's well-being (De Jong et al., 2023). Well-being is understood as a multidimensional construct including physical health, emotional and psychological functioning, educational outcomes and social relationships (Huppert, 2014). Considering these social relationships, children are exposed to the disaster reactions, support and opinions of peers, extended family and the broader community (Pfefferbaum et al., 2014). While the immediate effects of a disaster create instability in a child's life, their experience is also shaped by how the disaster is managed and how it impacts their social environment. Thus, we propose three forms of exposure for children affected by chronic human-made disasters: (1) unstable living conditions, (2) management efforts and (3) social responses. Research shows that prolonged exposure to such adversity increases long-term negative outcomes, shaped by individual agency and vulnerability (DeWaard, 2016; Pfefferbaum et al., 2014). To demonstrate how these forms of exposure are experienced over time, this study will be inspired by young adults reflecting on induced earthquakes in Groningen, the Netherlands.

Extraction of natural gas in the Groningen province started in the 1960s and years later, the first adverse effects occurred: recurring human-induced earthquakes. The Dutch Oil Company and the national government prioritised financial benefits, denying that extraction caused the seismic activity and neglecting residents' safety (Bakema et al., 2018; Verdoes and Boin, 2021). To date, the gas extraction as an ongoing hazard has triggered more than 1,600 low-magnitude earthquakes, and damage assessments for more than 27,000 buildings (Busscher and Vojvodić, 2025). Although national attention increased after a relatively strong earthquake in 2012, extraction continued until 2024. A parliamentary inquiry concluded that responsible organisations failed to adequately implement or communicate procedures for material and immaterial compensation (Parlementaire enquêtecommissie aardgaswinning Groningen [PEAG], 2023; Verdoes and Boin, 2021). The region's socio-economic structure has been affected by declining house prices, depopulation and the temporary relocation of thousands of residents (Boelhouwer and Van der Heijden, 2018; Busscher and Vojvodić, 2025). These developments have deepened feelings of marginalisation by the country's political centre, leading to frustration and reduced well-being (Moolenaar, 2023; Stroebe et al., 2021). Although the government is now implementing a multi-million euro recovery programme, ongoing earthquakes and unrepaired houses illustrate the slow-onset nature of this chronic human-made disaster (Stroebe et al., 2021).

Recent studies on children's experiences in Groningen demonstrate how children react to the three forms of exposure previously proposed (Ketner and Reis, 2024; Zijlstra et al., 2022). Children encounter gas extraction issues through multiple contexts, including their homes, schools and neighbourhoods. Regarding unstable living conditions (1), children were anxious about the earthquakes and found the reinforcing procedures lengthy, uncertain and uncomfortable. Management efforts (2) were criticised as children mentioned that the government is self-serving and neglects the needs of the inhabitants of Groningen. They also experienced the social response (3) of their parents, who were frustrated with the complex damage procedures, and children worried about the safety of their families regarding the earthquakes. The current cohort of young adults experienced the emergence of the earthquake problem, but its long-term consequences remain largely unexplored. Their reflections on childhood experiences can reveal how they interpret and continue to be affected by living amid chronic human-made disaster. The following research questions will be addressed in this study:

This study has a qualitative research design to explore how young adults reflect on their experiences during their childhood in the earthquake-prone area of Groningen and how they might now still be affected. This research is embedded in a larger study on young people in this area (2024–2027). We sampled 18 young adults (5 males, 13 females) between 18 and 30 years old (M = 22, SD = 2.87), who spent (part of) their childhood in the earthquake-prone area of Groningen and were exposed to damage, reinforcements or rebuilding of their parents' house due to gas extraction. Exposure varied from growing up in a damaged home to moving residence multiple times because of repair procedures. All participants still lived in the province of Groningen at the time of the interview.

The interview protocol was inspired by the episodic interview approach by Flick (2000), to encourage the participant to tell their own story about the events of interest. Serving as a conversation-starter, participants were asked to provide multiple pictures of their family home, focusing on what they liked, what they worried about and possible temporary housing (Harper, 2002). The interview explored how the consequences of the (risk of) earthquakes shaped participants' past, present and future, with attention to their family situation and social environment. The interviewer encouraged participants to describe their opinions considering the management of the “earthquake problems” (“aardbevingsproblematiek” as commonly used in Dutch (PEAG, 2023)).

This study used a convenience sample with recruitment in multiple phases between April 2024 and March 2025. Recruitment began through the Groninger Panel of the Sociaal Planbureau Groningen, a group of over 7,000 adults from diverse demographic and socioeconomic backgrounds (Sociaal Planbureau Groningen, n.d.). The strategy did not yield sufficient participants, necessitating alternative approaches, including promoting the study through social media platforms and leveraging the researchers' social networks. Young adults who declined to participate mentioned mental load of the topic, or thought the situation did not impact them. Those who showed interest received an information letter and had the opportunity to ask questions. Interviews either took place at a venue suggested by the participant or at the University of Groningen. Ten young adults were able to provide the researcher with the picture(s) earlier-mentioned. Interviews had an average duration of an hour.

This study was approved by the Ethics Committee for Pedagogical and Educational Sciences of the University of Groningen (UG-2223-GMW-S-000008) and was funded by the Dutch Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations. The researchers had no affiliation with the ministry and they maintained objectivity by avoiding bias when reporting results related to governmental actions, which was also communicated to participants. Before the start of the interview, participants gave consent for recording their interview and for the use of their data for research purposes. Their data is stored securely and anonymously and will be deleted after 10 years, in line with faculty policy. Support was available if interviews were impactful and participants received a ten-euro gift card in appreciation for their contribution. As the topic is sensitive for some people of the population, the interviews were conducted by a local researcher of similar age to ease an open and informal conversation. Being local researchers, the authors reflexively monitored how their familiarity with the context may have affected their data interpretation.

The interviews were transcribed using the software Amberscript (Amberscript Global B.V., 2025) and corrected and anonymised by a researcher. Thereafter, interviews were coded following the technique of thematic analysis as designed by Braun and Clarke (2012). Thematic analysis is a way of gaining insight into qualitative data by defining themes of interest and organising the data according to these themes. Regarding the first research question, on exposure, three deductive themes were defined: (1) unstable living conditions, (2) management efforts and (3) social responses. Research question 2, addressing reflections of young adults on their experience and long-term consequences, was approached inductively. One researcher coded three transcripts, after which a concept codebook was defined. This was used to code the remaining transcripts, while continuing inductively coding new information. Multiple discussions amongst the researchers were held during the process, which resulted in a final codebook.

Four themes were established: unstable living conditions, management efforts, social responses and meaning making (inductively), capturing young adults' intertwined experiences of coping with the consequences of ongoing earthquakes and reflecting on lasting impact on well-being and government trust.

The topic of earthquakes and repairs was an underlying concern throughout the young adults' childhood. As children, they did not always realise that the earthquakes were a problem or understand what caused them. Most young adults recalled feeling safe at home during their childhood; however, a few remembered the earthquakes as traumatic and worried about their house collapsing. Feelings of fear diminished as they grew older and their perception of risk developed. The topic was also highlighted via media and school, adding to their knowledge.

Young adults also experienced instability through reinforcement procedures, with half of them mentioning that their family home still needs to be reinforced or rebuilt. Some struggled with the uncertainties of these procedures but recognized that, as non-homeowners, the impact on them was smaller than on their parents. Once young adults left their family home, the impact on their living conditions decreased, but they were often still involved with repair- and compensation procedures. Additionally, young adults experienced a changing physical living environment, as the villages they grew up in no longer look the same. Some of them developed feelings of sadness and estrangement, while others highlighted their frustration with historical buildings being demolished, impacting the regional identity.

Over the years, young adults gained more insight into how the region was affected by the gas extraction. They spoke with varying frustration and anger about what they saw as the exploitation of Groningen, with the government acting primarily for financial gain and neglecting residents' interests. Some held strong views, describing the management of the earthquakes and their consequences as inhumane and unjust. Some families are also involved in lawsuits about their request for compensation for immaterial damage; another fitting example of how young adults can remain exposed. Young adults also recalled politicians visiting the area to express sympathy and seek solutions, but noted that these visits rarely led to concrete action or recognition of the wider societal and personal consequences of gas extraction. In talks with outsiders, they often felt overlooked, as others failed to grasp the situation's severity.

Young adults explained that exposure to management efforts peaked when decisions about compensation and reinforcement were announced. They reported inefficiencies, including long waits, unclear communication, privacy issues, and unfulfilled promises related to the damage to their homes and houses of others. These experiences left them feeling frustrated, angry and hopeless. These feelings grew more apparent over the years as they gained more understanding of the situation. Someyoung adults experienced these frustrations as a burden, while others were less affected. The majority also found it difficult to see how the management affected their family, friends and wider population.

Regarding social responses to the disaster, experiences with wider social reactions appeared more uniform than the varied exposure and coping within the home environment.

Exposure to reactions from their wider social networks was reported consistently by all young adults. Because these issues were widespread, the topic commonly arose at social gatherings, where perceived injustices fuelled both conflict and connectedness within the community. Some mentioned friction between their parents and neighbours, while others described protests against gas extraction, placing these stories within a broader context of inadequate management. Personally, they felt bad for friends, family, and classmates facing tense home situations and frustrating procedures, and some were relieved to have been less affected themselves. Not all were aware of how peers were coping, and a few described the topic as taboo, sensing that openly expressing emotions was discouraged.

Regarding the home environment, a small group of young adults experienced severe household stress that harmed their well-being. Their parents spent much time and energy handling complex, unclear procedures for compensation and repairs, creating a tense home atmosphere. In some families, this ongoing pressure nearly led to divorce. Several participants also recalled siblings struggling emotionally amid the persistent uncertainty. The resulting strain left the young adults themselves feeling stressed, prompting different coping responses, some sought to ease their parents' burden by helping with tasks or procedures, while others withdrew and avoided home. Some also had trouble sleeping, overhearing parental arguments or worrying about their family's safety, which hindered their concentration at school. Several sought psychological support to cope with these difficulties, and some continue to struggle with their well-being today.

Other young adults described milder parental stress, which they linked to less property damage and fewer procedural difficulties. They reported limited impact on their well-being and noted having adapted to the situation. According to them, their parents managed to address the issues without allowing them to dominate daily family life. They appreciate the role of their parents in protecting them from problems.

While explaining how the gas extraction shaped their lives, the majority of the young adults concluded that they do not experience the situation as a burden in daily life, but as always present in the background. When reflecting on what impacted them most, they pointed not to the earthquakes themselves but to the government's handling of the situation and its impact on those around them. They emphasised that the situation was preventable and that it had played an unnecessarily significant role in their lives. At the same time, they are also able to maintain perspective and see that the earthquakes in Groningen are far less severe than high-magnitude earthquakes elsewhere in the world. None of them actually called the situation in Groningen a disaster, but some did feel that the region's identity would forever be linked to the earthquakes.

Most young adults reported a lasting distrust in involved governmental organisations, often shaped by their parents' views. They expected it would take years to fully resolve the gas extraction issues and believed extraction should end to prevent further harm. While they considered compensation for immaterial damage appropriate, they emphasised that financial payments cannot rectify the impact on their lives. For some, their experiences fostered distrust in the national government and politics, reinforcing their beliefs that the area often gets marginalised and how needs of youth are often neglected. They question the government's true intentions and while some want to believe in the goodwill of individuals, others explain that they have also partially lost their trust in mankind.

For some young adults, exposure and home-related stress decreased after moving out, or once housing reinforcements were completed. Some young adults try to leave their experiences behind, while others dread the reinforcement procedures still awaiting their families. Despite these challenges, most were happy to live in the northern Netherlands and wished to remain near friends and family. A few, however, noted they would avoid moving into a house that still requires reinforcement. Some young adults reflected on what they gained from their experiences and mentioned that they learned to value a safe environment or how to communicate well with governmental authorities. A few of the most severely impacted young adults also became involved in organisations promoting youth welfare. They reported a lack of support when growing up and emphasised the importance of help from trained professionals who understand what children in this situation go through.

Aiming to capture long-term experiences of this chronic human-made disaster, most young adults in Groningen reported a good quality of life despite the impact of induced earthquakes, but remained frustrated about the human cause. A smaller group young adults appeared more adversely affected, particularly those exposed to unstable home environments. Poor disaster management efforts emerged as a key risk factor for these long-term consequences and for the development of institutional distrust.

The resilience of young adults in Groningen highlights the chronic nature of the disaster. Chronic exposure has contributed to the integration of the gas extraction as an ongoing hazard in their lives and affecting the area's identity. In this way, they adapt to the situation, a style of coping which is also used in natural disasters (Raccanello et al., 2023). Meanwhile, the problem does not affect every aspect of their lives, allowing them to isolate its consequences in daily life. By isolating the problem in their process of meaning making, young adults cope with the disaster by gaining psychological distance, giving space for reflection (Wang et al., 2019). This style of coping is unsurprising, as it is commonly applied to manage abstract threats to communities, such as climate change or disasters (Schuitema and Lacchia, 2025). Even so, a wide range of other coping strategies were found, highlighting the need to further identify the role of agency in these disasters.

As young adults cope with this slow-onset disaster through adaptation and psychological distancing, part of its impact remains hidden. This invisibility makes it easier to overlook the harmful effects of disaster management, particularly within the home environment, where child well-being is most at risk. Ongoing mental health struggles reported by some participants reflect this vulnerability. Similar results have been found in children growing up in drought-affected regions, where prolonged exposure increased feelings of hopelessness due to family-related concerns and insufficient support (Carnie et al., 2011). Many participants recognised that their families' stress could have been prevented, yet when the impact of injustice remains unacknowledged, distrust gradually takes root (Davis et al., 2025). This shift reflects a move from individual coping towards a collective experience of structural neglect.

This study shows that institutional distrust is possibly the most prominent potential long-term consequence of children's exposure to chronic human-made disaster. Institutional trust is understood as the extent to which citizens believe they can rely on an actor to fulfil a mandated commitment, shaped by rules and norms and previous experiences of dealing with institutions (Lahusen, 2024). The life course approach helps to further understand the situation in Groningen, building on how the social-historical context shape people's beliefs (Elder and George, 2016). Events relating to the time and place of people's formative years can create cohort effects in which generations share similar life paths due to collective experiences. Identifying closely with their region, young adults became more aware of collective disadvantage, particularly when others shared this perception (Van Zomeren et al., 2008). Consequently, perceived injustice in disaster management further reinforced feelings of neglect and institutional distrust. Institutional distrust is a major concern in public and disaster policy implementation, as it leads to increased resistance and reduced effectiveness, creating a self-reinforcing loop of distrust (Martin et al., 2020). At a broader level, this distrust affects young people's sense of citizenship, as they feel their voices are ignored and undervalued. To foster responsible, engaged citizens, it is essential to actively incorporate youth perspectives into disaster management planning and evaluation (Gibbs et al., 2014).

The exploratory qualitative approach, using episodic interviews effectively captured young adults' personal experiences of the Groningen disaster. Although not all participants were able to provide pictures of their childhood homes, this did not hinder the flow of the interviews, nor did the pictures reveal additional information relevant to the research questions. Furthermore, participants' narratives were likely shaped by their later experiences, impacting the depiction of their childhood and the results of this study (Williams et al., 2022). This recall bias is less relevant in this current study, as the focus was on participants' current reflections on childhood perceptions rather than factual events. All relevant experiences were mentioned by at least two participants (no deviant cases) and no new topics emerged in the final interviews. However, information saturation was only partly achieved, as this study did not capture the perspectives of young adults who may have left the province because of their experiences with the earthquakes.

It is important to consider how the use of gas extraction in Groningen as an illustration of a human-made hazard may have influenced the study findings. Combining deductive and inductive themes enabled us to explore the experiences from Groningen without losing the broader frame of the disasters of interest. To minimise potential framing bias, we deliberately avoided labelling the situation in Groningen as a “disaster” or “hazard” towards the participants, to ensure gathering their unbiased experiences. Another characteristic of the situation in Groningen that may have affected the results is the considerable variation in individual exposure and experience related to how earthquake damage differs between households. This is not uncommon for disasters, but the insights of this study may limit how findings generalise to disaster settings in which exposure is more uniform, such as in cases of air pollution. Studying such a disaster could lead to results that focus less on the impact on the home environment.

This study contributes to understanding the long-term consequences of growing up in areas exposed to chronic human-made disaster, by studying the experiences of young adults in Groningen. Results showed how participants described growing up in socially and physically unstable environments, where perceived injustices and collective disadvantage fostered ongoing institutional distrust. The most impactful seemed to be an additional unstable home environment experienced by some young adults with long-term mental health struggles.

These findings highlight the need to better understand how contextual and individual differences shape the long-term impact of chronic human-made disasters on children. They also show that social-historical context is essential, as perceived impact depends on young adults' existing views of institutions. Insights from Groningen reveal how such effects can remain hidden, underscoring the importance of including young people's well-being and perspectives on both the disaster source and its management. The proposed forms of exposure offer a framework for mapping how young people experience and internalise the consequences of these disasters. Given the potentially high impact of exposure in the home environment, little is known about how individual and family resilience shape children's living environments during chronic human-made disasters (Raccanello et al., 2023). Mixed-methods longitudinal studies that include both children's and parents' perspectives would be especially useful for identifying patterns of coping and resilience and for examining how the impact changes over time (Walsh, 2016).

To limit the impact of human-made disasters on children, exposure should be reduced and chronic disaster prevented. Local and national governments should assess risks and vulnerabilities early, in line with the UNDRR's emphasis on resilience-based prevention of disasters (UNDRR, 2015, 2018). This requires coordination between governments, researchers and health and welfare institutions to evaluate disaster response measures and adjust them in a timely manner (Tennakoon et al., 2021). Children's well-being and resilience are further supported when procedures are transparent, communication is clear, and commitments are upheld, thereby minimising family burden (Dückers and Thormar, 2015; Walsh, 2016). Stability in children's environments can also be strengthened by implementing procedures swiftly and reliably (Dückers and Thormar, 2015). Finally, involving young people in identifying solutions may help to support resilience, rebuild trust and enable meaningful participation in future policy development (Gibbs et al., 2014; Martin et al., 2020; UNDRR, 2015).

The authors used Perplexity as an AI search tool to explore relevant academic sources and DeepL Write to improve readability. All results were critically reviewed and edited by the authors, who take full responsibility for the content of the published article.

We are grateful for the participants sharing their experiences and insights, making this research possible.