Gender stereotypes and Gen Z: navigating gender beliefs transfer through entrepreneurial pitching Open Access

Gender beliefs significantly influence the evaluation of entrepreneurial activities by associating gender-specific traits with particular roles and expectations. Entrepreneurship has long been framed as a masculine domain, with success often associated with stereotypically male attributes such as risk-taking, innovation, and assertiveness. These gendered expectations permeate all aspects of entrepreneurship, influencing how activities are conducted, practiced, and evaluated (Ahl and Nelson, 2010; Sundermeier et al., 2020). As a result, men’s and women’s contributions are often shaped by stereotypes that associate men with masculinity and women with femininity. This gendered frame (Calás et al., 2013) not only reinforces traditional norms but also impacts how entrepreneurial success is perceived and judged for both male and female entrepreneurs.

However, as gender is among social constructs that contributes to the greater inclusivity and awareness of diversity, scholars have called for an intersectional lens to studying various groups of actors in entrepreneurship (e.g. Vershinina et al., 2025) to expand the understanding of how gender is co-constructed, performed, maintained, and transformed. This shift is particularly relevant for Generation Z (Gen Z) – those who were born between the end of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s (Merriam-Webster, n.d.). As the world’s largest generational cohort, Gen Z has the potential to redefine entrepreneurship by challenging traditional gendered norms and reframing entrepreneurial aspirations. Despite the growing adoption of generations' literature (Lippmann and Aldrich, 2016; van Merriënboer et al., 2023) in entrepreneurship research, little attention has been paid to how Gen Z experiences and interprets gender stereotypes and if these perceptions differ from previous generations.

Applying status belief (Ridgeway and Correll, 2006) and gender framing theory (Ridgeway, 2011) within the context of entrepreneurial pitches, this study has two main objectives: (1) to examine how gender-based stereotypes influence the evaluation of entrepreneurial pitches from Gen Z individuals’ perspectives and (2) to explore how Gen Z’s experiences with gender stereotypes shape their entrepreneurial aspirations. Aligned with these objectives, the research questions guide the authors in designing the empirical setting to answer the following questions: (1) How do gender stereotypes frame the evaluation of entrepreneurial pitches from Gen Z individuals’ perspectives? (2) How do gender beliefs influence Gen Z individuals’ engagement with entrepreneurship?

The study contributes to the ongoing conversation about gendered dynamics in entrepreneurship, particularly in the context of the younger generations. First, by examining the perspectives and experiences of Gen Z individuals, this research sheds light on whether ingrained gender stereotypes continue to shape entrepreneurial expectations and opportunities. Second, it highlights how these beliefs may limit or encourage young individuals’ participation in entrepreneurial ventures. As such, understanding how Gen Z individuals interpret and respond to gender frames can guide policymakers and educators in developing inclusive practices that challenge stereotypes and foster a more equitable entrepreneurial ecosystem.

The paper commences with a literature review on gender stereotypes and beliefs stemming from status beliefs and gender framing theories (Ridgeway and Correll, 2006; Ridgeway, 2011). Further, the study discusses the connection between gender beliefs and generation research, specifically for Gen Z individuals. The paper then continues with an explanation of the empirical design process and critical discourse as the analysis approach. The findings stem from the study that the research team conducted on www.prolific.co (ProA), a crowd-working marketplace. The analysis of the study shows that gender beliefs do affect the evaluation of the pitch, especially from the multimodal perspective. In addition, gender stereotypes influence the beliefs on career choices of Gen Z individuals, including the likelihood of engaging in entrepreneurship. The discussion connects these findings with status belief theory (Ridgeway and Correll, 2006) and gender frames literature (Ridgeway, 2011, 2019). The study concludes by outlining the study’s theoretical contributions, practical implications, and directions for future research.

This study draws on status belief theory (Ridgeway and Correll, 2006; Ridgeway, 2019) and gender framing theory (Ridgeway, 2011), which argue that gender status beliefs and their transfer influence the evaluation of inequitable practices in organizations. Status is both an evaluative concept that distinguishes social groups – some of which are culturally perceived as more significant than others – and a hierarchical construct, where individuals command varying degrees of respect and influence (Goffman, 1967; Weber, 1968). Status functions as a mechanism of social inequality by shaping societal perceptions and evaluations of individuals within structural hierarchies (Ridgeway and Correll, 2006).

When status beliefs are widely shared, they become embedded in social consciousness and operate below the level of awareness (Rashotte and Webster, 2005; Ridgeway, 2019). These beliefs are influenced by social characteristics (e.g. gender, race), societal roles (e.g. mother, teacher), and commonly shared assumptions about competence and performance associated with ascribed labels (e.g. male versus female) (Ridgeway and Correll, 2004; Tak et al., 2019). For example, in evaluative contexts, when assessing the ability of the venture through the pitch, which mirrors the capability of the entrepreneurs, these beliefs shape individuals’ expectations of others and influence behaviors and decision-making within structural hierarchies. In other words, characteristics of status form performative expectations, and they affect the assessment of individuals’ performance.

Gender is a diffuse status characteristic, meaning its influence extends broadly across contexts (Correll, 2004). Gender beliefs encapsulate widespread expectations about men and women in professional and personal realms (Tak et al., 2019). For example, men are often expected to be more competent at certain things (e.g. technology-related tasks) while women are often expected to be better at other things (e.g. communication tasks). These generalized expectations reflect cultural systems of belief, representing what “most people” think, believe, and accept as true and comprise specific components of gender stereotypes depending on the studied context (Ridgeway and Correll, 2006). These generalized expectations reflect cultural systems of belief that influence behavior even among those who consciously reject gender stereotypes (Correll, 2004; Ridgeway, 2019).

Gender frames shape not only self-perception but also evaluations of others through performative acts that align with masculine or feminine characteristics reinforce these frames (Wynn and Correll, 2018). Past studies have shown that for women to be recognized in professional settings, they need to strive more to showcase evidence of success (Tak et al., 2019; Sundermeier, 2024) and to behave in alignment with the expectations of the “ideal worker” role (Acker, 2006), especially when they venture into a business sector that does not fit with gender stereotypes and gender beliefs. Specifically, in their study, Tak et al. (2019) found that when a female business owner presents a craft beer product she would get a lower evaluation than a male owner. Yet, when the business is a food-related, a female and male founder received similar evaluations. Similarly, delving into entrepreneurial innovation processes from the gender lens, Sundermeier (2024)’s study affirms the influence of gender stereotypes in the assessment of women innovation engagement and performance, showcasing the expectations and ascription regarding the limited innovation scope within risk-conscious markets that link the innovation potentials with the gender identity of the founder, such as beauty products. Moreover, gender frames also manifest through language, particularly in work performance reviews, where men’s evaluations often contain standout, agentic language, while women’s reviews emphasize communal traits (Lee and Huang, 2018; Rudman et al., 2012). These patterns reinforce stereotypical norms and perpetuate systemic inequalities (Gupta et al., 2019; Leskinen et al., 2015).

In contrast, when women exhibit behaviors associated with masculinity, such as assertiveness or ambition, they risk violating status expectations, potentially provoking negative reactions (Correll et al., 2020; Okimoto and Brescoll, 2010; Rudman et al., 2012). In particular, as women were viewed as more communal than men when they display behaviors or use language in an agentic way, they were called and criticized more frequently for being aggressive (Correll et al., 2020). In other words, the way individuals perceive ascribed characteristics that men and women carry affects how they view and evaluate their female and male subordinates, which often leads to lower ratings for women or gender status expectations for both men and women at work (Correll et al., 2020). In the entrepreneurship field, adopting the institutional view, past studies present various challenges that women entrepreneurs face due to the enactment and (re)production of gender stereotypes and beliefs (e.g. Marlow and McAdam, 2015; Nelson et al., 2009). As a result, literature relevant to the gender framing theory (Ridgeway, 2011) has demonstrated that gender stereotypes are not only persistent but also pose a stereotype threat to women engaging in entrepreneurship.

Entrepreneurial pitching is a critical event where founders present their ideas to potential investors (Kalvapalle et al., 2024). In their pitches, entrepreneurs present their venture ideas by outlining the problem they aim to solve, the innovative and unique features of their solution, the target market, their go-to-market strategy, financing plan, team composition, expansion and growth strategy, and the investment amount they seek. Pitching exists in every stage of the venture, and depending on the stage, entrepreneurs customize the content and style to fit the purpose of the pitch and the audience (Teague et al., 2020).

Pitching in this study is understood as a lived experience that is shaped and conducted by routinized behaviors, speech, and body movements to make sense of the action (Reckwitz, 2002; Teague et al., 2021). From this perspective, the act of pitching is performative, and gender beliefs can have an important role in the pitching context. When viewing pitching from a performative practice perspective, language is undeniably a crucial aspect. Research on language use in start-up pitching has identified several verbal strategies that contribute to a pitch’s positive evaluation (e.g. Brooks et al., 2014; Kanze et al., 2017; van Werven et al., 2019). In particular, communicating the venture’s promising future heavily influences both the content and language used in the pitch (van Werven et al., 2019). One of the ways to demonstrate a prospective future is to use the present tense when discussing events that have not yet happened, indicating that the predictions or expectations are more likely to come true (van Werven et al., 2019).

Further, previous studies address micro-narratives in pitches that deliberately show that assertive, confident language increases the plausibility of the pitch (e.g. McSweeney et al., 2022; De Villers Scheepers et al., 2021). Specifically, confidence is conveyed through references to technological adaptation and unique attributes, combined with numerical data that highlights rapid growth (Duong and Brännback, 2024). Alternatively, confidence is demonstrated through bold statements, powerful language, and the use of the imperative tense to eliminate hesitation (Perloff, 2014). That is, research has shown that pitching is framed by first, persuasive, assertive speech, and second, future-oriented, and potential to success narratives, which is strongly associated with business masculinity (Hearn, 2004; Hearn et al., 2012).

From the gender perspective, the sense of highly assertive speech is associated with men and masculinity, reminding one of a heroic figure (Hytti et al., 2023; Komulainen et al., 2020) and is a popular discourse of the ideal entrepreneur (Ahl, 2006). Language used at the pitch is compatible with the image of an explorer, where unmapped territories are opportunities to explore, despite the risks and challenges (Lundmark et al., 2019). As a result, men and women entrepreneurs are affected by this frame, pushing them to perform hegemonic masculinity that enacts the gendered nature of entrepreneurship. Moreover, studies also have shown that men and women employ different strategies in their pitches and are often evaluated through a lens of pre-existing gender status beliefs, which can shape perceptions of competence, leadership, and capability. Men are more likely to use assertive and authoritative language, which aligns with cultural stereotypes of male leadership (Brooks et al., 2014). Further, men are more likely to use language that frames their start-up as a high-risk, high-reward opportunity, emphasizing potential growth and returns (Kanze et al., 2017). This type of language resonates with investors who are typically looking for disruptive, scalable businesses (Duong and Brännback, 2024). In contrast, women may employ more collaborative and inclusive language, emphasizing teamwork and community-building, as well as social impact and sustainability (Kanze et al., 2017).

Investors have been viewed as a more important group in pitching given that they hold access to finance, something that is vital to nascent entrepreneurs and early-stage start-ups. As a result, conforming to the investors’ expectations and preferences is deemed important when pitching. Research suggests that investors, consciously or unconsciously, respond differently to male and female entrepreneurs due to gender status beliefs. For example, Brooks et al. (2014) found that pitches delivered by men are more likely to be perceived as competent, even when content is identical to that presented by women. Similarly, Lee and Huang (2018) found that the perception of men and women entrepreneurs is gendered. To be evaluated as competent, women entrepreneurs must be perceived as warm whereas men do not need to be seen as warm to be assessed as competent. Thus, the evaluative process of the pitch is heavily influenced by pre-existing gender stereotypes (Correll, 2017), where male entrepreneurs are often assumed to be more confident and risk-taking than female entrepreneurs. Consequently, pitching is also framed by gender.

In summary, from the review of the entrepreneurial pitching literature, the context of pitching reveals a double frame for what constitutes a successful entrepreneur or a winning pitch—one that often aligns with stereotypically masculine traits. This dual frame creates two distinct sets of expectations that shape how entrepreneurs present their pitches. These expectations reinforce hegemonic masculinity within the entrepreneurial field and are transferred to the evaluation of the product evaluations.

Expanding status belief theory, Tak et al. (2019) propose that gender-based beliefs influence not only individual behavior and evaluation but also perceptions of products. For instance, women entrepreneurs introducing male-stereotyped products receive lower evaluations than men introducing the same products. These findings echo the relational and persistent nature of gender beliefs across business industries, emphasizing the influence of institutional norms in transferring gender-based beliefs (Ahl and Nelson, 2010; Nelson et al., 2009). In this sense, business industries represent the social status associated with gender (Ridgeway, 2011). Following recent calls for research venturing into stereotypes in relation to age (e.g. Anglin et al., 2022; Cebola et al., 2023; Zhao and Yang, 2021), this article explores the intersection between gender and generation, focusing on how gender-stereotypical beliefs influence, and/or are influenced by, individuals from different generations.

Generational theory suggests that shared historical experiences and cultural contexts create common values and perceptions among cohorts (Mannheim, 1952; Lippmann and Aldrich, 2016). Research presents varying perspectives on the intergenerational transfer of gender beliefs. While some studies (e.g. Correll, 2004) suggest that gender beliefs are believed to evolve, with different generations adopting distinct gender practices and norms, other research (e.g. Rashotte and Murray, 2005; Tak et al., 2019) emphasizes the persistence of gender-based beliefs, proposing that gender beliefs are resistant to change. These contrasting findings indicate that further investigation is needed to better understand the dynamics of gender belief transmission across generations. In particular, the topic of age – or generation – has recently gained increasing attention from entrepreneurship researchers. As a growing body of research, studies investigating about age in entrepreneurship have drawn mixed results regarding age and entrepreneurial success (Matthews et al., 2024). It means that the impact of age as a social aspect in entrepreneurship is complex and can provide a more historircally-sensitive understanding about entrepreneurial decisions, activities, and identity (Van Merriënboer et al., 2025). Nonetheless, existing studies have shared a common thread – that it is more challenging for older individuals to engage in entrepreneurship than younger individuals. Specifically, older individuals might face more social challenges and receive more negative expectations than younger individuals in relation to entrepreneurial intentions, success, creativity, and opportunity recognition (Kautonen et al., 2011; Kibler et al., 2015; Weinberger et al., 2018; Gielnik et al., 2018). In addition, young(er) individuals are more likely to receive investors’ funding support (Matthews et al., 2024).

In general, young(er) generations are often considered more advantageous than old(er) generations to engage in entrepreneurial activities. Inherently, as the world’s largest generational cohort, Gen Z individuals hold the potential to shape the future of entrepreneurship through their collective worldview. However, it is reported that Gen Z individuals are less motivated to be entrepreneurs and there are fewer innovations produced by Gen Z (The Economist, 2024). This suggests that there is a lack of comprehensive understanding of generational dynamics in entrepreneurship research, particularly relating to younger cohorts. To address this, the present study examines how Gen Z perceives and perpetuates gender-based stereotypes in entrepreneurial pitching, exploring their implicit biases and beliefs about gender in entrepreneurship. Moreover, Gen Z individuals’ perceptions of gender stereotypes may affect their motivations to develop innovative solutions.

Entrepreneurship researchers have indirectly addressed the interplay between gender, entrepreneurship, and generation through studies on entrepreneurship education, delving into experiences and perspectives of students. Studies have demonstrated that the notion of “think entrepreneur-think male” (Stoker et al., 2024), which suggests that men are more fit to perform masculine characteristics that feed the entrepreneurial success expectations (Jones and Warhuus, 2018), is predominantly acknowledged and reinforced in entrepreneurship education programs. For example, Stoker et al. (2024, p. 16) found that “gendered constructs shape beliefs about what it means to be an entrepreneur”, and that educators tend to hold onto more traditional views about gender than students. There is also a difference in how students perform when taking entrepreneurial courses. While both male and female students demonstrate overconfidence, male students tend to maintain this behavior over time, whereas female students typically reduce such tendencies (Van Ewijk, 2024). In addition, female students tend to seek meaning in entrepreneurship through mentoring activities that allow them to experience emotional connection and empathy (Bonanni et al., 2024).

While entrepreneurship education represents an expanding research field, studies often blend the perspectives of educators and institutions (e.g. universities) with student opinions, failing to emphasize the significance of shared cultural beliefs among generational cohorts—a crucial element that reflects young students’ viewpoints. Given the limited research on Gen Z and entrepreneurship, this study examines how gender stereotypes influence Gen Z’s perceptions and beliefs about entrepreneurship while also exploring how this generation interprets and potentially challenges these inherited biases.

This research was conducted in several stages. The first stage involved consulting existing studies on pitching and language (e.g. Cabezas et al., 2020; Daly and Davy, 2016; Parhankangas and Renko, 2017; Seigner et al., 2022), from which the authors developed a list of words and phrases that would serve as the foundation for creating the pitching videos. Following the theoretical perspective that individuals rely more on social frames and shared beliefs to evaluate situations when faced with ambiguity or uncertainty (Ridgeway, 2011), the authors chose a neutral venture idea – a language-learning mobile application – that is not associated with either traditionally male- or female-type products. A neutral business idea would allow the influence of gender stereotypes to emerge more naturally in respondents’ reflective responses. Then, the authors crafted two pitches: one emphasizing profit and growth and the other focusing on social impact. The profit-focused pitch included phrases that conveyed uniqueness, confidence, and achievement, such as “revolutionize” and “global market size”. The impact-focused pitch used linguistic indicators highlighting harmony, emotions, and potential impact, with phrases like “enthusiasm” and “happy people learn best”. The full text of both pitches can be found in  Appendix 1.

Next, the authors created four video versions of the pitches: two with a female avatar (one for the profit-focus pitch and one for the impact-focus pitch) and two with a male avatar (again, one for each pitch focus). The videos featured corresponding male and female voices and were generated using Synthesis Artificial Intelligence (AI) software (https://synthesis.ai/). The video links can be found in  Appendix 2. Along with the videos, the authors prepared a set of questions related to the pitches and gender stereotypes.

The data was collected via ProA. Gathering data through crowdsourcing platforms such as ProA offers several advantages over in-person data collection. First, by allowing respondents to contribute from home, they minimize researcher and lab biases (Davis et al., 2010). Second, these platforms enable the rapid and cost-effective collection of high-quality data (Peer et al., 2017). Recognizing these benefits, hundreds of scientific studies have successfully utilized ProA to recruit respondents (Prolific, 2021). All respondents were aged 18–27, high school graduates, and residing in Finland at the time of study participation. In total, the study received responses from 68 respondents, including 40 males and 28 females. Of these, 53 respondents completed all the questions, with 27 males and 26 females. All respondents were anonymous and did not need to input any personal information.

Respondents were randomly assigned to watch one of the four video versions: Female-Impact, Female-Profit, Male-Impact, or Male-Profit. After viewing the video, respondents answered a series of questions in text form. Specifically, respondents were asked for their opinion on the pitch content and their observation on any gender-related elements. Following this, the authors inquired about their perceptions of gender stereotypes in their daily lives and the impact these perceptions might have on career choices.

CDA is a method to articulate beyond texts and connect the relation between the discourses and the social practices (Fairclough, 2003). The CDA approach explores the connection between language, power, and ideology, focusing on how discourses reinforce social inequalities (Wodak, 2014). Discourse analysis encourages the examination of how everyday language both reinforces and challenges gender stereotypes (Gordon, 2015), by that revealing how gender is socially constructed through text and conversation.

When conducting the CDA method to analyze the data, stance-taking, and positioning (Du Bois, 2007) are important. Stance-taking refers to the way speakers express their attitudes, evaluations, or perspectives in the produced texts or conversations. When people take a stance, they position themselves relative to it and align or misalign with others’ stances. Positioning is the discursive process through which individuals are situated in conversations and are seen (both by themselves and others) as consistent and recognizable respondents in the conversations. In other words, positioning refers to how respondents position their roles in the text (Janks, 1997; Gordon, 2015). This means that the portrayed identity or role makes sense both from an external point of view and from their internal perspective (Davies and Harre, 1990).

The analysis process partially followed Vaara's (2015) suggestions. In the first step, the authors read textual materials produced by 53 respondents, who answered all the questions. This step helped the authors to gain an overall understanding of the texts. The texts were coded openly. Second, to understand the criteria and details for conducting CDA, the authors consulted previous studies to note popular discursive elements that could be found in textual materials, for example: metaphors, repetition (Mesinioti et al., 2020), assumptions (Wodak et al., 2011), rhetorics (Hakoköngäs et al., 2020), and emotions (Gordon, 2015). The codes were refined and grouped into discursive categories the authors identified from previous studies.

In the third step, the authors re-read the texts and conducted an additional round of analysis to further immerse in the materials. Recurring codes were noted throughout the process to analyze to find patterns of discourses. Afterward, the authors zoomed out to identify the relations among the higher codes. The CDA of the texts produced by 53 online respondents resulted in the identification of three discourses: (1) growth and expansion discourse on the evaluation of the entrepreneurial pitch, (2) dual discourses on entrepreneurial careers, and (3) intergenerational gender beliefs discourse. The respondents were given pseudonyms for the reporting of findings.

The data show that when respondents positioned themselves as investors evaluating the pitch, their discourse focused on the prospective future of the business by looking for details on the profits, expansion, innovative features, and competition that are mentioned in the pitch. Performing as investors, respondents expressed the willingness or the hesitation to fund the company from a business professional perspective. For example, Toni exemplified that he would invest in the company because of the potential market growth: “The company is making revenue of 20%. Also, they’re planning on expanding to Asian markets, where it’s usually the most profitable.”

In his quote, Toni used market expansion and revenues as signals to project the positive future of the venture, where it will be profitable. In addition to growth, respondents repeatedly emphasized competitiveness, information validations, and customer feedback as necessary factors structuring their investment decisions. When respondents decided not to fund the company, the reasons also centered on these factors, as Alex summarized:

Moreover, acting as investors, respondents mentioned that they were looking for a potentially profitable future as an indicator for investing or not. Specifically, Olli deliberated in his reasoning: “I would not invest. It seems to be in a very early phase at this point, and while it has a chance for a bright future, investing in it at this point would be risky.” The quote shows that when respondents projected themselves as investors, their focus was on business growth and the prosperous future of the venture, which is similar to the reactions of investors that were found in other studies (e.g. Kreutzer, 2022).

42 out of 53 respondents (79%) of respondents expressed that they did not notice any gender stereotypes regarding the pitching videos, especially on the content of the pitch. In addition, respondents pointed out that gender issues are “better nowadays”, and in the future, they should move forward in a better direction, exemplified by Lena’s reflections: “The gender roles were completely absent. In this day and age, it could be beneficial, so everyone feels included.” Similar to Lena, Mika stated: “For me, it was very neutral, and it didn’t specify any gender or culture whatsoever. It is an important thing to focus on these days.”

As the data depicts, Gen Z individuals appreciate gender equality. To them, it is an embedded normative practice in society, and thus it should be present in many aspects of life. However, while gender stereotypes and beliefs do not affect the evaluation of the pitch, they were used as a medium to justify the fit between the founder and his/her pitch. Specifically, respondents who noticed gender elements in the video they were assigned to watch focused on the mere appearance of the AI-generated avatars that deliver the pitch, reflecting the theoretical point that the bodies are part of the performative acts of gender (Butler, 2006). For example, Tina, who watched the impact-focused video pitched by the female character, made the following comment: “A woman is more appealing, indirectly associated to education and maternal learning, soft speaking, attractive, semi smiling. The female appearance is calm and presentable”.

Tina’s feedback on the connection between the industry that this business is tapping into (education) and the feminine characteristics that are socially embedded in it – a calm, presentable, maternal way of communication – illustrates the persistence of gender beliefs across generations. Previous studies have depicted the gendered fit between the venture’s idea and industry to the founder’s gender (Hechavarria and Ingram, 2016; Tak et al., 2019), and this study shows that this perception remains popular among young(er) generations.

Further, respondents made the causal logic that by performing femininity, such as “soft speaking and smiling” (Tina), and “using beauty as a marketing point” (Emma), the pitch would get a more positive outcome from the audience’s perspective. Consistently, both female and male respondents made assumptions about gender and pitching, as the below quote from Vera describes:

In Vera’s viewpoint, while she seemed to accept that having a “traditional beautiful” woman pitching would be a benefit, she also reflected that this way of thinking reproduces gender stereotypes. In contrast to Vera, respondents who watched the videos with the male founder image endorsed the assumption that having a male founder pitching the idea is a norm as Hanna expressed: “I would say that the choice of a male figure as the presenter is a rather stereotypical choice, or at least somewhat tiresome. How many more white men are we going to have to see in pitches?” Although the statements are different, both Vera and Hanna described various gender beliefs that are commonly observed in their lives. Intriguingly, when respondents defended female founders’ representation, they wrote about their appearance, voice, and the myth that many teachers are women (e.g. Teemu, Henry and Timo). In contrast, the male founder was praised for using vocabulary that relates to innovation (e.g. pioneer) in the pitch. Moreover, respondents accepted that a male representative is a norm in entrepreneurship.

The analysis shows that Gen Z individuals use gender beliefs that are drawn multimodally from appearance, voices, and presuppositions in social life (e.g. many teachers are women) to evaluate the fit between the founder’s gender and the pitch, regardless of the content (whether it is profit-focus or impact-focus). Interestingly, respondents would provide justifications for the video they watch, as in if they watched the female presenter video, they presume that women are the suitable choice for the pitch and vice-versa.

When asking respondents whether they have the intention to engage in entrepreneurship as a career option, respondents explained their understanding of being entrepreneurs and projected what their life might look like as entrepreneurs. This results in two discourses that coexist, complement, and at the same time contrast with each other: 1) discourse on being entrepreneurs and 2) discourse on gender stereotypes in relation to entrepreneurial career. 31 respondents (58%) expressed elements of both discourses in their responses, while 14 (26%) aligned primarily with the freedom/innovation discourse, 6 (11%) with the risk-avoidance discourse, and 2 (4%) reflected neither discourse.

First, the respondents expressed contrasting viewpoints on being entrepreneurs. Specifically, respondents described entrepreneurs as freedom seekers, risk-takers, and social-impact influencers, who are responsible not only for themselves but also for others (e.g. Teemu and Helena). For example, Antti expressed that he would consider being an entrepreneur because: “I would like to be my own boss, and work in a business that does work I enjoy.”

Similar to Antti, various respondents described an entrepreneur as an all-rounder, who is risk-taking, decisive, and innovative. Notably, respondents also emphasized the responsibility and the impact that entrepreneurs create, as Matti shared: “I find the idea of creating and managing a business exciting and fulfilling. I am drawn to the opportunity to innovate, solve problems, and make a positive impact through a product or service.” This description depicts entrepreneurs as individuals who take risks not only to solve problems for profit but also to create impact and value responsibility for others.

Interestingly, several respondents indicated that a family entrepreneurial tradition increased their likelihood of pursuing entrepreneurial careers. For instance, Niko positioned himself as a follower and viewed his parents as “two excellent mentors”, to whom he looked up: “Both my parents are, or have been, entrepreneurs. I’ve learned lots of things through them”.

In contrast to the freedom to innovate and create impact, respondents underlined the high risks in relation to being entrepreneurs. For example, Mia envisioned the life of being an entrepreneur: “It is too risky. If I would engage in this area, I would join as a part-time job.” Here, Mia expresses her view of entrepreneurship as a risky endeavor, as it makes her uncertain about fully committing to be an entrepreneur. Instead, she would prefer to engage in entrepreneurship only as a part-time option to minimize the risks.

The second discourse highlights the contrast of the gender divide, and through that, illustrates how both male and female respondents are accustomed to gender stereotypes of the entrepreneurial career. Gender stereotypes were not directly discussed when respondents shared their likelihood to engage in entrepreneurship. However, gender stereotypes strongly shape the myths about career choices that are suitable for men and women, indirectly indicating the effect of gender in the process of choosing, pursuing, and sustaining entrepreneurship as a career path. Specifically, respondents mentioned a lot about the notion that “women are more salient” and “men do heavy work” (Mikael). On various accounts, respondents’ discourses reveal the continuous influence of gendered norms throughout individuals’ lives: from when they were younger, at the point of exploring career paths, to the stage of life when they are more solid with job choices. As an example, Olli illustrated how gender stereotypes influence young(er) people to imagine a myth about what jobs they can and should do in the future:

Moving on to the stage where individuals decide on their career paths, the career myth seems like it “slowly becomes a fact of life” (Olli), pushing people into certain career paths, as Inka elaborated: “For example, women are often steered toward roles in education, healthcare, or administration because they’re seen as more nurturing or detail-oriented, while men are pushed toward science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) fields or leadership positions as if they’re naturally more suited for those roles.”

In summary, the analysis highlights two discourses regarding how Gen Z individuals perceive entrepreneurship. First, entrepreneurs are viewed as having the freedom to innovate and make an impact, yet respondents also perceive entrepreneurship as a risky career path. Second, gender stereotypes about career choices persist across generations, with men being seen as more inclined toward risk-taking (e.g. firefighters) and innovation-driven fields (e.g. STEM), while women are believed to favor more traditional fields like education and healthcare. Since entrepreneurship is considered a risky and forward-thinking career, it is implicitly seen as more suited for men. Further, the analysis revealed that gendered career frames dictate what people perceive what is/are suitable for them as a career path. As respondents expressed, they believed that gendered beliefs about careers affect both men and women, pushing them to continue to enact the beliefs.

One of the objectives of this study is to understand, beyond the entrepreneurial context, how gender beliefs transfer to daily life experiences, as assumedly, daily practices and experiences influence individuals’ perception about certain areas. Respondents in this study comprehend the binary gender stereotypes, where “women are more silent, and men do heavy work” (Mikael), and exemplify the characteristics to which men and women are socially attached. The majority of respondents expressed the intensity of the binary system, differentiating men and women, as illustrated by Niko’s statement:

Further, female respondents highlighted that they have encountered the impact of gender stereotypes more personally, and mainly, they experienced negative perspectives and outcomes as the result of gender beliefs being transferred through generations. Specifically, women were asked about family plans when they had job interviews and felt more pressure to smile more and need to be calm and patient. The consequence of the transfer of gender beliefs through generations is that Gen Z individuals have formed expectations and assumptions about the behaviors of men and women in professional and personal aspects of life. For example, Laura provided an observation that “men assume women to want to talk to them at work, laugh at their bad jokes and smile.” In addition, she shared that “men tend to respect other men’s opinions in many situations, for example making electricity deals and other situations.”

Female respondents were more vocal when discussing about different treatments they have experienced as a special group that is weaker and can be oppressed. This discourse refers to the sense of “otherness”, expressed through being belittled and being assigned certain tasks, as Vera shared:

As a result of being treated differently, frustration and doubt were the emotional reactions the study captured from female respondents, as Lena exemplified: “It’s frustrating because I’ve seen male colleagues automatically get the more strategic roles without question.” While the previous theme depicts a mythical gendered perception of men’s and women’s jobs, this theme showcases that gender beliefs affect everyday practices and perpetuate gender inequality in workplaces.

Some male respondents also acknowledged the impact of gender beliefs being transferred to their generations. However, in contrast to female respondents, they did not personally experience being othered, who are assumed not to be able to do certain tasks and can get away by doing certain practices. Another group of male respondents showed a strong belief that gender disparity does not exist in Finland, with Stefan stating that: “There is no bullshit like that in Finland”. The data gathered from all respondents highlight how deep gender stereotypes transfer to career choices and daily practices, strengthening the binary system.

Finally, the study also reveals the ingrained influence of norms and institutional frames that shapes what Gen Z individuals identify as gender stereotypes and beliefs. Respondents positioned the informal institutions as the general pronoun “they”, as Samuel stated: “They say that men don’t cry. Women can’t be independent and take care of themselves.” For female respondents, “they” refer to friends and relatives, as well as men at work/school (e.g. boss, colleagues, classmates); whereas for male respondents, “they” refer to their peers. Moreover, it is interesting to discover that respondents separate the “older half of the generation” and “the younger half of the generation”, creating a distance among people within the same generation.

This study discovers gender stereotypes and gender beliefs being transferred across generations through examining the audience reactions of startup pitches, providing a new perspective that extends beyond the conventional focus on either the entrepreneur or the investor behaviors (Kalvapalle et al., 2024). The study demonstrates that audience evaluations significantly shape pitch outcomes, revealing how deeply embedded gender norms influence perceptions of entrepreneurs and entrepreneurship itself. Many of the Gen Z individuals participating in this study, who are identified as the most populated generation, prioritized gender equality in society. For them, gender diversity and inclusion are seen as normative practices that are naturally present in daily life. However, using entrepreneurial pitch as a context to investigate the transfer of gender beliefs to Gen Z individuals, the study found that gender stereotypes still have a strong influence on the creation and maintenance of the belief in what men’s and women’s professional jobs are.

Drawing on status belief and gender framing theory (Ridgeway and Correll, 2006; Ridgeway, 2011), our findings reveal how gender-based beliefs influence not only the evaluation of individual entrepreneurs but also shape perceptions of entrepreneurial competence itself. When respondents evaluate pitches, they unconsciously apply gender status beliefs that associate certain traits with masculinity or femininity, even as they consciously reject gender stereotypes. This demonstrates the persistence of what Ridgeway (2019) describes as “background gender frames” – cultural beliefs about gender that operate below the level of conscious awareness yet significantly influence evaluations and decisions.

This study illuminates the persistence of the “think entrepreneur-think male” paradigm (Stoker et al., 2024) by demonstrating that career frameworks and pathways are inherently gendered, with Gen Z viewing entrepreneurship as a high-risk pursuit better suited to men. This perception stems from the intergenerational exposure to gendered occupational divisions, which individuals may ultimately internalize and propagate as shared generational beliefs. Our findings on dual discourses regarding entrepreneurship – freedom/innovation versus risk-avoidance – align with gender framing theory (Ridgeway, 2011) by demonstrating how these frames shape Gen Z’s entrepreneurial aspirations. The freedom/innovation discourse, which emphasizes creativity, autonomy, and impact, was more frequently endorsed by male respondents (73% of male respondents compared to 38% of female respondents), while the risk-avoidance discourse was more prevalent among female respondents (42% compared to 15% of male respondents). This distribution reflects persistent gender frames that associate risk-taking and innovation with masculinity, while risk-aversion and caution are linked to femininity. Even among Gen Z individuals who explicitly value gender equality, these frames continue to structure career aspirations and entrepreneurial engagement, demonstrating what Tak et al. (2019) describe as the “relational and persistent nature of gender beliefs.”

Our analysis reveals that while Gen Z respondents did not explicitly recognize gender stereotypes in pitch content, gender beliefs strongly influenced their multimodal evaluations of pitches. Specifically, 79% of respondents (42 out of 53) claimed not to notice gender stereotypes in the pitches, yet their subsequent evaluations demonstrated clear gender-based assumptions. When evaluating the female avatar, 68% of respondents (19 out of 28 who viewed the female avatar videos) focused on appearance, voice, and perceived nurturing qualities, while 72% of respondents who viewed the male avatar (18 out of 25) emphasized competence, innovation language, and conformity to entrepreneurial norms. This finding aligns with prior research (e.g. Lee and Huang, 2018; Zhang and Chen, 2025), showing that perceptions of entrepreneurial competence are intrinsically gendered, with women needing to be perceived as warm to be evaluated as competent, while men’s competence evaluations are less contingent on warmth perceptions.

Moreover, while respondents agree that gender frames are less notable in Gen Z individuals, the impact of gender beliefs still exists and affects entrepreneurial engagement, career choices, and daily practices. Although respondents did not highlight gender as a significant element in the content of the pitch itself, they demonstrated how gender stereotypes shape respondents’ beliefs about who is considered a man or woman and the types of ventures they should pursue. For example, respondents often associated men with hard work, ambition, and risk-taking, while women were seen as more nurturing, calm, and inclined to take on “softer” jobs. Thus, the study advocates for the notion that general beliefs about gender and career choice affect the likelihood that individuals want to participate in entrepreneurship. Further, respondents resonate with female founders’ pitches with appearance and beauty, in contrast to the ways they relate the male founders’ pitches with masculine norms in entrepreneurship of dominant male presence.

While designing for this study, the authors expected that younger generations would differentiate themselves from the gender beliefs that older generations hold and perform in the context of pitching. However, the findings show that shared beliefs about gender are transferred across generations. Respondents consistently discussed the binary system that highlights the differences between men and women, indicating the strong impact of gendered norms on Gen Z individuals. Female respondents did express more emotions through their reflection on gender stereotypes and work life. These details are important to unfold the impact of generation as a social force (Mannheim, 1952) in belief transferring.

Understanding Gen Z’s experiences with gender stereotypes is crucial given their position as the world’s largest generational cohort. This study illuminates how Gen Z navigates and interprets gender stereotypes in entrepreneurship, revealing both persistent biases and emerging shifts in perspective. The findings suggest that while traditional gender frames continue to influence pitch evaluations and career choices, Gen Z’s unique generational context may reshape these dynamics.^0083001

This research advances the field of entrepreneurship, particularly gender-focused entrepreneurship studies, in two important ways. First, the study contributes to the status belief theory (Ridgeway, 2019) by showing that gender belief transfers about a founder’s gender can be different depending on the shared belief of a certain generation. This study contributes to the Tak et al. (2019) call for more studies on the transfer of gender-based characteristics across various contexts. The results unraveled that besides product types and industries, beliefs on gender stereotypes can be transferred across generations, eventually influencing the evaluation of entrepreneurial pitch, entrepreneur-as-a-career, and entrepreneurial environment. Consequently, this study paves a novel and nuanced way to apply status belief transfer theory, especially in the entrepreneurship field. Further, understanding the generational changes in terms of gender perceptions can also influence how products and services are developed and marketed by entrepreneurs and start-ups and encourage investors to reconsider potential biases in their selection and support processes (Tak et al., 2019). This information may also be valuable for educators and policymakers to update curricula and training programs emphasizing inclusivity and gender neutrality.^1,2

Second, by depicting how Gen Z individuals differentiate themselves from other generations, this study highlights the importance of intersectional approach (Vershinina et al., 2025), especially focusing on how gender and entrepreneurship are viewed from the eyes of the young, who will shape the entrepreneurship future sooner rather than later. The study contributes to a growing discussion on the importance of understanding young(er) generations and their relationship to entrepreneurship (van Merriënboer et al., 2023). The study also enriches the growing literature on the role of social context in entrepreneurship (Barrett and Vershinina, 2017; Radu-Lefebvre et al., 2021) by specifically examining the understudied generational perspective. Our focus on Gen Z individuals represents a crucial intersection of age and gender that reveals unique perspectives on gender beliefs in entrepreneurship. As the world’s largest generational cohort with growing influence on entrepreneurial ecosystems, Gen Z’s position at this intersection offers valuable insights into how gender beliefs are evolving. Finally, methodologically speaking, this study provides a novel approach to progressively collect data through various stages and different sources to understand young people’s perspectives on gender stereotypes and gender beliefs. Beyond this study, the research design could be utilized for entrepreneurial education purposes, showcasing the persistence of gender stereotypes and beliefs about entrepreneurship.

This study further offers diverse social implications that can guide policies and educational approaches designed to advance gender equality in entrepreneurship, aligning with the movement toward more student-centered methodologies emphasizing collaboration (Günzel-Jensen et al., 2025). As the results show, gender affects the perception of young(er) generations on their career options. Policymakers should recognize this concept when developing entrepreneurial support initiatives and funding mechanisms that provide equitable opportunities irrespective of industry or perceived gender norms. For entrepreneurial actors, the study encourages start-up networks, incubators, and accelerator organizations to launch campaigns promoting entrepreneurship as a career for young(er) individuals that emphasize the diversity of role models, transforming the persistent image of entrepreneurship as a male-dominated field. Finally, with the development of generative AI, the empirical design of this study will be useful for entrepreneurial education. The materials can act as a shared medium for entrepreneurial actors (e.g. founders, pitching coaches, and investors) to discuss gender issues in entrepreneurship.

While this study’s research design offered several advantages, it does contain certain limitations. First, the authors understand that factors such as countries, cities, educational background, job industry, and family conditions can affect the opinions and influence the views of respondents. The authors tried to mitigate the variances by targeting only individuals who reside in Finland and have graduated from high school. The decision to focus on respondents in Finland was made because the authors are familiar with the research environment in Finland. Obtaining an understanding of the studied population strengthened the foundation for the subsequent analysis. Future researchers should include a more diverse range of respondents across different countries, cities, educational backgrounds, and industries. Cross-cultural comparisons and longitudinal studies could provide deeper insights into how social norms and demographics influence opinions over time.

Second, the authors noticed that respondents tended to focus on AI elements when commenting on the video, such as the synchronization between the content and the mouth movement of the AI character. Future studies could employ alternative methods, such as using real actors in their experiments. Also, future studies could explore how specific AI features, such as facial expressions or voice tone, influence viewer engagement and interpretation. In addition, testing various AI characteristics may help identify which aspects most impact user perception and feedback. Third, the authors acknowledged that the results could be triangulated with other types of qualitative data, such as interviews or open discussions in classes about gender-related topics through the pitching videos. The authors believe that the empirical design and materials of this study could be a foundation for future research on discourses and entrepreneurial pitching. Finally, our study included individuals aged 18 to 27. While all respondents were relatively young, there may still have been meaningful differences in how respondents within this range engaged with the study materials. Older respondents, particularly those closer to 27 years old, may have had greater financial independence or professional experience, potentially leading them to identify more closely with the role of a prospective investor. In contrast, younger respondents may not have perceived themselves as part of the intended target audience, which could have shaped their reactions, judgments, and interpretations of the pitch. Future research should consider age as a potential moderating variable and explore narrower age group comparisons to better understand how investment relevance and audience identification influence pitch evaluation.

Building on the findings, the authors propose a comprehensive research agenda to advance understanding of Gen Z’s perceptions of gender in entrepreneurship. On the intersection of gender and generation, future research could explore how gender and generation intersect across diverse geographical and territorial contexts – for example, youth living in or migrating to different regions within a country, as well as those from non-Western settings. Moreover, cross-cultural comparisons would be valuable to examine how cultural context influences Gen Z’s gender perceptions in entrepreneurship, extending beyond the Finnish context of our study. Also, future research should conduct larger-scale quantitative studies to validate the patterns identified in our exploratory work, particularly examining the prevalence and distribution of the dual discourses identified in the findings.

Regarding the topic of age in entrepreneurship, longitudinal studies tracking how Gen Z’s entrepreneurial engagement evolves over time would provide insight into how their perspectives shift as they progress in their careers. Further, there is a lack of comparative studies examining differences between Gen Z and other generations, or differences between the narrower age cohorts within the same generation, which future research could do to further enhance our understanding of intergenerational changes in gender beliefs. Finally, for entrepreneurial pitching literature, this study underscores the need for further investigation into how pitch evaluations correlate with the venture types that attract Gen Z entrepreneurs and what drives their selective interest in certain innovations. Such insights could prove invaluable in understanding how generational transitions may transform the entrepreneurial landscape of tomorrow. Future studies could use experimental designs to test specific interventions that might reduce gender bias in entrepreneurial contexts, particularly in pitch evaluations. Last but not least, it is important to unveil the perspective of investors, who have the decision power regarding pitching situation. Therefore, future research could apply status belief transfer theory with both qualitative and quantitative methodological approach to explore the interplay between gender beliefs and investor’s perceived competence on pitch outcomes to address the face validity concerns raised about investor evaluations being influenced primarily by competence rather than gender.