The impacts of tourism, before, during and after the COVID pandemic: the case of Rapa Nui in the East Pacific

This paper aims to explore a long-term perspective on small and Indigenous Island tourism, with a focus on Rapa Nui (Easter Island). Rapa Nui is globally known for its megalithic culture, with significant ceremonial monuments (ahu) crowned with giant anthropomorphic statues (moai) (Figure 2). These historical features constitute the main attraction for visitors.

Since the introduction of tourism on a broader scale in the 1970s, this sector has become increasingly important to the local economy. Just prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, the growing number of visitors and the immigration of people seeking employment within the tourism industry sparked discussions concerning sustainability and the carrying capacity of local resources (Interviews November 2019; estudio de capacidad de carga 2013). The pandemic severely affected the tourism sector on the island, and one focus of this paper is to analyse changes in tourism activity and sustainability that Rapa Nui society has experienced both prior to and as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. For example, movement restrictions and border closures caused a 74% drop in international arrivals worldwide in 2020, leading to a critical rethinking of the future of the tourism industry (UNWTO, 2021). A central question in this paper is: what have authorities, stakeholders within the tourism industry, and residents of Rapa Nui learned from the impacts of tourism before, during and after the pandemic, and what is the way forward?

Rapa Nui is a small Polynesian island located in the remote eastern corner of the South Pacific. The East Polynesian region extends from Hawaii and New Zealand to Rapa Nui, covering nearly 100,000 kilometres in perimeter. Rapa Nui has an Indigenous Polynesian population, and its original culture and language are Polynesian; however, the Chilean state annexed the island in 1888. With an approximate area of 164 km², mainly composed of various volcanic cones, settlers of Polynesian origin arrived in this territory around the twelfth to thirteenth centuries AD (Wallin and Martinsson-Wallin, 2022). The inhabitants developed a monumental cultural expression that is recognised worldwide today.

The megalithic constructions consist of approximately 300 large ceremonial stone platforms (ahu), built around the coast and crowned with anthropomorphic statues known as moai (Martinsson-Wallin, 1994). This megalithic culture expresses a materialised ideology tied to an ancestral cult. It is estimated that the island has between 900 and 1,000 moai. These monuments have attracted worldwide attention ever since the visit of the Dutch captain Jacob Roggeveen in 1722. This first documented contact, however, ended in death and disaster for the Rapanui.

To understand the development and impact of tourism on Rapa Nui, it is essential to consider the colonial relationship between the Indigenous Rapanui population and the Chilean state. Since the annexation in 1888 – which remains disputed by the Rapanui – control of the land has been held by the Chilean state, with very limited foreign influence. A heritage law protecting the monuments was enacted as early as 1935; however, the Rapanui were not recognised as Chilean citizens until 1966, seventy-eight years after the annexation. Under Law 16.441, the island was granted legal status as the Department of Easter Island within the Pascua Province (Astudillo, 2018).

Research conducted by the ethnographer Thor Heyerdahl and his archaeological team in 1955–1956 contributed significantly to promoting the island as a unique and exceptional tourist destination (Martinsson-Wallin, 2007). Together with islanders, under the leadership of the Rapanui mayor Lázaro Hotus, one of the toppled statues was re-erected on its original ahu platform, known as Aturi Huki, at Anakena Bay, where Heyerdahl and his team had established their campsite. Through Heyerdahl’s international bestseller Aku Aku: The Secrets of Easter Island (1958), the island and its monumental statues gained global attention. A subsequent restoration programme led by two archaeologists from Heyerdahl’s team, Mulloy and Figueroa (1978), and supported by the World Monuments Fund, further reinforced the island’s status as an exclusive tourist destination. According to the late Rapanui craft specialist and local historian Sr Rafael Rapu, these efforts empowered the local population (personal communication, March 2004). The restorations revitalised Rapanui culture while also fostering modern development and generating income through tourism (Concha, 2017; Delsing, 2017; Fischer, 2001; Fuentes, 2011; Seelenfreund et al., 2004).

In 1995, Rapa Nui National Park – home to the most visited sites and the majority of the ahu–moai complexes – was designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site (Figure 2). World Heritage status aims to protect the ancient culture of Rapa Nui through national and international authorities (Teave and Cloud, 2014). This designation also functions as a global marketing mechanism, disseminating images of the island and its monuments worldwide (UNESCO World Heritage Centre).

Captain Roggeveen introduced the island to the wider world in 1722, and subsequent contacts with outsiders included slave raids, the transmission of previously unknown diseases and colonial exploitation. Despite these hardships, the Indigenous Rapanui people have survived, and the island has developed into an attractive tourist destination in modern times due to archaeological research, restoration efforts, Rapanui human resource investments, the construction of an airport and its World Heritage status. In the period immediately preceding COVID-19, the disproportionately high number of visitors and immigrants reignited debates concerning sustainability and the management of cultural and natural heritage. These discussions led to the establishment of the Indigenous organisation Mau Henua, which assumed management of the World Heritage-listed National Park from Chile’s National Forestry Corporation (CONAF) in 2018.

In order to analyse the impacts of tourism and sustainability issues before, during and just after COVID-19, we rely on qualitative research based on semi-structured interviews with various stakeholders in the tourism sector, representatives of the Indigenous Rapa Nui population and personal observations. These interviews and observations were conducted at three key moments: 2019 (before the pandemic), 2020 (during the lockdown) and 2022 (during the reopening phase). All participants were anonymised, and their consent for the use of the interviews in research was obtained either in written or oral form. Transcriptions of the anonymised interviews are available in the Supplementary Data.

In addition to the interviews, we also draw on participant observation, which included taking tours with a local tour company before the pandemic and living on the island during the pandemic. Furthermore, we incorporated secondary data from environmental and tourism organisations, as well as statistics from the Chilean National Tourism Service (SERNATUR) and previous research on tourism in Rapa Nui. We also conducted qualitative research in the form of a tourist survey (included in the Supplementary Data) and used additional datasets comprising governmental policies and laws, as well as information and discussions from social media, the Internet and local practices.

The qualitative data were analysed using thematic coding, allowing for the identification of recurring patterns in the interviewees’ narratives. The findings were triangulated with additional sources, including the tourist survey and a dataset comprising governmental policies, laws, social media discussions, online sources and local practices. We also considered information provided by the Centre for Intercultural and Indigenous Studies (CIIR) in 2019 and 2020, and by the Municipality of Rapa Nui, Directorate of Tourism, in 2020, 2021 and 2022.

Our research is informed by theoretical discussions on sustainable tourism (Saarinen, 2006, 2014) and co-generative tourism in Indigenous contexts (Buzinde et al., 2020; Curtin and Bird, 2021). In particular, we problematise the notion of “sustainable tourism” when it is limited to assessing the viability of the tourism industry itself without considering broader social and environmental impacts on local communities. Previous research argues (Saarinen, 2014; Macbeth, 2005; Gyan and Dallen, 2010) that, in order to determine whether tourism is truly sustainable, it is necessary to consider not only tourism as an isolated activity but also the wider context in which it takes place and its role within a broader social and environmental framework.

From this perspective, we examine three key approaches to sustainability in tourism on Rapa Nui:

1. Environmental sustainability: The carrying capacity of the island has been analysed; however, such analyses have limitations in capturing the interrelationship between tourism and other social activities and in fully understanding tourism’s specific environmental impacts (Saarinen, 2014).

2. Social and community sustainability: A crucial aspect is the democratic inclusion of the local community in decision-making processes to ensure that tourism benefits the broader social, economic and environmental well-being of the island’s population. Within this approach, we also analyse and discuss colonial–Indigenous dynamics.

3. Host–visitor relationships and knowledge transmission: A potential pathway towards sustainable tourism development lies in co-creation, where the transmission of local knowledge to tourists and tourism operators becomes a fundamental element (Ruhanen et al., 2021; Buzinde et al., 2020). Authenticity plays a key role in this approach (Poort et al., 2021).

1. The total number of interviews conducted, including recorded and non-recorded interviews in 2019 and 2022, was 41. Eight informants were re-interviewed in 2022. Two workshops on sustainable tourism were organised by the authors in 2018 and 2019, and a presentation of the results to the community was carried out in 2023.

2. Key stakeholders interviewed:

   1. 4 members of Indigenous organisations/Rapanui (e.g. Mau Henua)

   2. 5 representatives from the Municipality of Rapa Nui

   3. 4 representatives from the Tourist Chamber and SERNATUR

   4. 3 tourist guides

   5. 5 tour operators

   6. 2 hotel owners and accommodation providers

   7. 3 artisans

   8. 5 state representatives

   9. 1 cultural foundation representative

   10. 1 tourist

3. Recurring themes and their frequency:

   1. Concerns about mass tourism and sustainability (mentioned in 22 interviews)

   2. Economic hardship during the pandemic (18 interviews)

   3. Desire for greater Indigenous control over tourism development (15 interviews)

   4. Waste management and environmental concerns (13 interviews)

   5. Cultural authenticity and loss of identity (11 interviews).

The excavation and restoration programs from the early 1960s to the late 1970s had the additional objective of contributing to the development of the island, offering elements that would enhance the tourist experience. After the construction of the local Mataveri Airport in the 1970s, tourism in Rapa Nui increased (Delsing, 2017). The connection to mainland Chile and the growth of tourism brought modernity to the island in terms of electricity, new foods and foreign music. It generated direct economic benefits for the community, increasing purchasing power and providing the population with better development opportunities (Concha, 2014, 2017).

Concha (2017, p. 159) describes the process of restoring the ahu–moai complexes in the Tahai sector (1968–1970), Anakena (1978, 1986–1988) and the Orongo ceremonial village (1974–1976) as re-traditionalisation. This process contributed to the interpretation of archaeological heritage and, with it, the development of tourism. Unlike other Pacific islands, the Indigenous population manages tourism in Rapa Nui, as there are no international hotel chains and the Rapanui own and operate the majority of hotels and hostels.

A contemporary example illustrates the social implications of specific actions by the Rapanui people to achieve autonomy and management of their territory, heritage and tourism. In 2016, an Association Agreement was signed between the Mau Henua Indigenous community and the National Forestry Corporation (CONAF). This agreement stipulated that, after one year of co-administration of Rapa Nui National Park, the administration of the park would remain under the control of the Indigenous community for a period of 50 years. This arrangement allows the Indigenous organisation to benefit from the fees paid by tourists entering the National Park. The funding employs park rangers and enables local development plans, as well as management of the cultural and natural heritage within the National Park/World Heritage site.

Although this represents progress in terms of administration, the protected territory remains state property, and there has been no restitution of Indigenous lands or full management of heritage by the insular community. The arrangement instead relates to local management of tourism and culturally significant heritage of economic relevance to the inhabitants of Rapa Nui. The number of travellers to Rapa Nui has grown exponentially (Figure 3). Statistics provided by SERNATUR, Easter Island office, show that in 1967, 440 tourists visited the island. Within five years, the number had increased more than tenfold. In 1972, approximately 5,000 visits were recorded per year, and between the early 1990s and 2000s, tourist numbers rose to around 30,000. By 2009, the number had doubled to over 66,000, and in 2012, more than 87,000 tourists visited the island (Concha, 2014). The highest number ever recorded was around 150,000 tourists per year in 2019, with an average of 14 weekly flights (Figure 3).

It also became evident that the composition of visitors had changed over time. The number of overseas visitors decreased since the beginning of the millennium, while the number of Chilean nationals and immigrants seeking to benefit from tourism increased, predominantly of Chilean origin. The exponential growth of tourism, changing visitor demographics and immigration prompted society and authorities to take various actions addressing social, economic and ecological sustainability. In 2013, an initiative to develop the Plan de Capacidad de Carga (carrying capacity plan) was launched, and in 2014, a community discussion on tourism called Cabildo was initiated. These concerns also led to a repatriation programme for human remains and the Mau Henua Indigenous community taking over the administration of the National Park in 2018. In addition, new legislation restricting immigration – Chilean Law 21.070 – was implemented in 2020.

Our 2019 project, Sustainable Visits to Rapa Nui – Glocal Perspectives, focused primarily on tourism and how its exponential growth, alongside immigration, has affected – and was predicted to affect – society in terms of social, economic and ecological sustainability. The UNWTO defines sustainable tourism as: “Tourism that takes full account of its current and future economic, social and environmental impacts, addressing the needs of visitors, the industry, the environment and host communities.” However, just before COVID-19, tourism on Rapa Nui had reached levels of mass tourism that were not sustainable.

Our analysis of recurrent themes (see above) showed that both the local population and authorities expressed significant concern regarding mass tourism and sustainability. A deeper examination of the interviews revealed that these concerns centred on environmental sustainability. Another issue was mitigating the negative effects of immigration while developing plans for a sustainable society in which tourism continued to play an important role in local livelihoods. In our interviews and workshops, we also explored the wider context, for instance, how social sustainability could be achieved on a small, remote island with ecological vulnerability and tensions between the Indigenous community and the State of Chile. Several interviewees highlighted concerns about the lack of control by the Indigenous community over tourism, while others emphasised cultural and identity loss resulting from a socially unsustainable society with colonial connotations.

Official documents from the Directorate of Tourism, Municipality of Rapa Nui, indicate that 90% of the island’s approximately 8,000 residents benefited economically from tourism. Daily life is affected by the arrival and departure of planes, with a high accommodation capacity. For instance, in 2019, there were 272 accommodation facilities – mainly cabins, hostels and hotels – offering a total capacity of nearly 5,000 beds (Directorate of Tourism, Municipality of Rapa Nui). Furthermore, official records from SERNATUR show that the composition of tourism changed after the millennium, with a decrease in international tourists and an increase in Chilean nationals, who generally have lower purchasing power.

Just before the arrival of COVID-19, tourism on Rapa Nui was continuously increasing, with 14 flights arriving weekly, in addition to charters, cruise ships and yachts, particularly during summer (see Figure 3). Several interviewees expressed concern that Rapa Nui had become devalued as a tourist destination and less attractive to international visitors with high purchasing power. When asked about what constitutes a “good” or “bad” tourist for Rapa Nui, two informants stated that a desirable tourist is:

Our data from the interviews shows that just before the Pandemic, both members of the community and representatives from the tourist businesses were generally concerned about the high number of visitors. Even if the tourist business provided a good income, the majority of the informants suggested that tourism should be restricted. One informant voiced the dream of a sustainable Island in the following way:

Some informants expressed that they have seen a change in the reason why people visit Rapa Nui. Prior to the millennium shift, archaeological sites, mainly the restored ahu–moai complexes, the Orongo (birdman-village) and the quarries at Rano Raraku were the most important visitor’s sites. Lately, in tandem with the tendency of an increase in national tourism, there is a trend that the archaeological sites are not the only attractors, but especially National tourists are more interested in cultural activities as dance shows, going to Anakena beach, and visiting restaurants. International tourists still seem to prioritise the archaeological sites. This trend is to some extent supported by our questionnaire (see Supplementary Data) and qualitative data from the SERNATUR (The Tourism Office).

Another result of our interviews is that a majority of the informants expressed the opinion that Rapa Nui needs a better and more coherent management plan for tourism that must involve and consider all societal sectors. The carrying capacity plan made at the request of the authorities in 2013 was criticised by some of the informants since it does not include all kinds of sectors of society. In 2023, a new carrying capacity study was launched that takes the experiences of COVID-19 into consideration. Before COVID-19, sustainability issues were mainly discussed in relation to the number of tourists and environmental sustainability, and not so much focusing on economic and social sustainability. The social sustainability focusses on the Indigenous status and how the State relates to the Rapanui Indigenous group.

Several informants referred to Law 21.070, that regulated immigration. The results of the interviews that touched on the social sustainability points to the fact that repatriation of human remains and artefacts (especially the moai) from museums on the mainland is very important for the dignity of Rapanui. These claims of repatriation only have an indirect connection to the tourist industry in the way to acknowledge that the culture of both the living and their ancestors should be treated with respect. The words Respect (Mo’a) and Education were frequently mentioned by the informants when asked how to create sustainable tourism on the Island.

The official statistics from (SERNATUR) prior to the Pandemic clearly show that the increase in tourism and the current network society has created a way for a larger group of people who live in Rapa Nui to rent out places as BnB’s, Hostels and Camping grounds. We interpret this as a democratisation of the tourism industry since it increased the possibility of income for people other than the traditional hotel owners and tour managers. The above concerns relate directly and indirectly to the themes of cultural authenticity and identity loss and indigenous participation. Even if the tourist industry shows a democratisation and economic sustainability for a larger group of society, concerns were raised about the devaluation of the destination in general and how is benefited.

The exponential increase in tourist visits to the island continued until the arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic in continental Chile. On 3 March 2020, Chile confirmed its first case of COVID-19. A week later, a global pandemic was declared. The institutions representing the Chilean State on Rapa Nui are governed by people from the Rapanui ethnic group, and at that time, there were no confirmed cases of COVID-19 on the island. This led local authorities to decide to close their access ports from 16 March 2020 until 4 August 2022 to protect the community’s health, particularly that of older people, who were the segment initially most affected by the pandemic.

This closure caused severe problems for hundreds of tourists, many of whom had come for short stays (3–5 days) and ran out of accommodation and money. As a result, these tourists wandered the streets of Hanga Roa. In response, the Municipality of Rapa Nui provided a space for them to sleep and delivered three meals a day. For some visitors, this situation lasted more than a month. The first case of COVID-19 on Rapa Nui was confirmed twenty days later, triggering the deployment of the protocols in place at that time. The second case was detected three days later, traced to a single family group of six people, of whom five were infected. The infected family members were isolated. To date, these remain the only cases of COVID-19 on the island.

On 30 March, after the Ministry of Health decided to suspend the mandatory quarantine, Mayor Pedro Edmunds Paoa issued a Tapu restriction. Tapu, a concept from the ancient Polynesian culture of the Rapa Nui, is associated with the sacred and must be obeyed (personal observation, Josefina Arriagada). To protect health, especially that of the elderly, and to safeguard the living culture, local authorities ordered all members of society to stay at home, while a working regime was established from 8:00 a.m. to 1:00 p.m., with shops closing at 3:00 p.m. The streets were empty as people adhered to the Tapu restriction. The only village on the island, Hanga Roa (see Figure 1), was deserted after curfew. In the mornings, long lines formed to buy groceries, particularly on days when a plane or ship arrived. The cost of food and basic supplies increased, and some products, such as flour, sugar and toilet paper, ran out quickly (personal observation, Josefina Arriagada).

Another important concept during the pandemic was Umaŋa, which refers to collaborative work done without expecting anything in return. This concept was applied by the PRO-EMPLEO teams (a programme that provided a minimum wage to more than 700 people during the pandemic), for example, to weed the land and clean the houses of the elderly. After almost a year and a half, the programme had established over 500 family gardens, strengthening local gastronomy; participants collected more than 11 tons of waste from the coastal edge and increased recycling at the Orito recycling centre. Frequent street cleaning, pruning and stonework repairs contributed to public space maintenance (informant voice no. 2). These actions have made the island cleaner and more orderly than ever before. Overall, these measures improved community well-being and contributed to the future of sustainable tourism. During the restrictions, there was time to consider what type of tourism would be suitable for Rapa Nui in the future.

Stakeholders in the tourism sector, together with local authorities, formed a dialogue platform called Conversatorio de Turismo. This initiative emphasised the primary objective of developing a model of sustainability in ecological, social and economic terms, taking into account the wider context. The discussions led to ideas such as identifying local marketing strategies, creating educational videos to be transmitted by plane, implementing a rule that visitors must be accompanied by a certified guide in the park and increasing corporate social responsibility (personal observation x). In addition, Law 21.070, which regulates the rights to reside, stay and move to and from the territory of Easter Island, was approved (personal observation, Josefina Arriagada). The application of this law has been controversial, as the Rapanui community believes it contains legal loopholes that allow foreigners to stay on the island, and that improvements are needed in service quality and the recovery of the moai brand.

Environmental measures proposed included requiring visitors to manage their own waste, delimiting anchoring areas for ships and cruise ships, introducing an ordinance for responsible pet ownership and implementing renewable energy. Attendees expressed their desire for Rapa Nui to become an example of global sustainability, increasing socio-environmental education in the community and promoting inclusive tourism. The concept of Mo’a – respect for ancestral heritage, natural biodiversity and the living culture of Rapa Nui – formed the framework for these discussions (personal observation, Josefina Arriagada). The Rapanui culture, with its high resilience capacity (Fisher, 2001; Concha, 2014), understood as a set of adaptive capabilities (Pugh and Chandler, 2021), successfully mitigated the spread of COVID-19.

During the pandemic, people from the Rapa Nui Indigenous group led local authorities across all institutions on the island, except the Armed Forces. Informative talks about COVID-19 prevention were broadcast by local media (television, radio and social networks). The media displayed creativity typical of the Rapanui people in informing and educating the community. Respect for the culture, land and people likely contributed to awareness, helping to prevent the spread of the virus on the island.

These actions can be interpreted as strengthening Indigenous peoples’ roles in production and solidarity in response to the crisis. Local leaders, together with municipal officials, responded appropriately (CIIR, 2021). Interviews conducted at the end of the pandemic focused on various sustainability topics, such as environmental care, respecting the territory’s carrying capacity, implementing renewable energy and effective recycling initiatives in Rapa Nui. Currently, only 20% of the waste generated on the island is recycled on the mainland (informant voice no. 2).

Social sustainability in relation to tourism revealed the territory’s dependence on the Chilean State. For instance, most food and energy are shipped from the mainland, and all public services depend on the State (education, health, government, etc.). Some informants noted a lack of coordination between administrative authorities, political bodies and the private sector, which had led to the failure of investment projects and difficulties in implementing initiatives such as the Strategic Tourism Plan. Some emphasised that developing sustainable social behaviours requires a fundamental change of mentality. One informant suggested changes needed to make tourism operations more sustainable:

Regarding the effects of the Pandemic on the island, opinions are very varied; here are some voices from various informants;

A young informant expressed the opinion that;

Several people from the community point out that the pandemic was an opportunity to stop and look at what was happening with the sustainability and one informant voiced that;

Our research has shown that, before the pandemic, people identified the exponential growth of tourism in recent years as a problem, with visitor numbers predicted to reach 240,000 by 2033. However, this scenario changed with the COVID-19 pandemic. Interviews and personal observations conducted after the pandemic (interviews and personal observations in April 2024, Helene Martinsson-Wallin and Josefina Arriagada) indicate that the community generally does not seek to sustain that level of annual visits. Instead, the aim is to increase tourists’ overnight stays by creating new tourism experiences. Pre-pandemic interviews suggested that various stakeholders in the tourism industry needed to improve marketing strategies. A Municipal Tourism Directorate, established in 2020, is leading the design of the Tourism Development Plan, with the aim of fostering a new generation of sustainable tourism and pursuing Starlight certification for the protection of the skies (https://en.fundacionstarlight.org). These measures form part of the broader tourist marketing strategies, both nationally and internationally, which seek to transform the mass tourism model that was developing on the island prior to the pandemic.

A fundamental pillar of tourism development on Rapa Nui is the local office of the National Tourism Service (SERNATUR), a government agency present in all regions of Chile. Its role is to manage and develop safe tourist destinations in terms of services and facilities for visitors. SERNATUR applies the same marketing strategies nationwide, which implies that all destinations are promoted using standardised templates. The marketing of Rapa Nui emphasises white sands, beaches and palm trees. In reality, the island has only one beach, experiences significant rainfall, its coastline consists mainly of volcanic rocks, and mosquitoes are prevalent. Consequently, promoting the island as a Caribbean-style holiday resort may mislead visitors seeking that type of environment.

Analysis of interviews and observations reveals a key issue: all SERNATUR offices in Chile operate in the same way. The theme of indigenous participation and concerns about cultural authenticity and identity loss has gained prominence in reflections on the pre-, during and post-pandemic periods, as expressed by several informants. Rapa Nui society seeks to be promoted by its own inhabitants, as is the case in Tahiti, highlighting its history, living culture, traditions, language and people.

Interviews conducted at the end of the pandemic indicated that the situation presented an excellent opportunity for many islands to reassess the tourism development paradigm (Figueroa and Rotarau, 2021). The Tourism Development Plan (PLADETUR) is under development on Rapa Nui (https://www.turismo-rapanui.com/index.php/pladetur/que-es-pladetur). Our research and interview results were presented in a stakeholder workshop on Rapa Nui in November 2023, contributing to the knowledge base on these issues.

The Government of Valparaíso is currently financing a preliminary study aimed at conducting a survey to inform the Rapa Nui Tourism Development Plan. The plan seeks to understand the cultural and social dependence of the Rapa Nui community on tourism, characterise the dynamics between cultural manifestations and the tourism industry, and identify elements that support governance. The scope of the future study includes participatory workshops and the identification of relevant actors for the implementation of the tourism development plan, potentially fostering co-creation and the incorporation of local knowledge into the tourism sector (personal observation, Josefina Arriagada). Our research indicates that sustainability thinking has shifted from a focus on environmental sustainability towards social sustainability, in order to achieve better economic outcomes. The host-visitor relationship is being renegotiated, and there is better control of the tourism industry post-pandemic (personal observation, Josefina Arriagada 2024).

Our findings show that, following the pandemic, the goal is to reactivate public–private working groups with relevant stakeholders to discuss and propose suitable tourism management strategies. Economically, the aim is to assess the effects of tourism activities on natural and cultural heritage, community habitability (threats, destruction of critical habitats and physical alterations of the environment), and potential changes in tourism services under current pressures and threats. Additionally, economic activities associated with the exploitation of natural and cultural resources are being evaluated. The tourism development plan includes proposals for investment initiatives, destination management and the establishment of a system for monitoring and controlling the initiatives developed. In this sense, the focus is on making tourism more sustainable across all sectors, not solely concentrating on environmental sustainability, which was the main focus pre-pandemic. The methodologies used by the consultant include tourism clusters and focus groups. Expected outcomes of the plan include the identification of relevant actors for the management and implementation of PLADETUR. The workshops aim to develop a ten-year Tourism Development Plan for the community, a tool that Rapa Nui has not previously had for tourism management. This presents an opportunity to create a portfolio of projects for implementation by the tourism sector.

These activities may include education for hosts and guides and the development of new visitor experiences. For example, astro-tourism is a promising option, as the island’s remote location and low light pollution, concentrated only in Hanga Roa, make it ideal for celestial observation. Working groups comprising public and private sector representatives will explore and discuss the needs, challenges and potential solutions to develop more sustainable tourism. While both sectors’ perspectives are important, the public sector requires private-sector support to maintain public spaces, whereas the private sector reports insufficient financial support from the public sector. The PLADETUR project began in September 2023, with workshops and discussions ongoing over nine months.

The need for this plan was initially highlighted during a community discussion (Cabildo) at Liceo Aldea Educativa in 2014. The Tourism Conversation of 2020 and pre-pandemic interviews provide further insight. Our research shows that the Rapa Nui community is aware of tourism sector challenges and recognises the need for a broader framework for sustainable tourism, grounded in incentives to develop a sustainable society from multiple perspectives (Saarinen, 2014). The PLADETUR initiative promotes tourism development and management that emphasises sustainability, inclusiveness and protection of Rapa Nui culture.

SERNATUR Rapa Nui features the S Seal on their website (https://serviciosturisticos.sernatur.cl/2445-rapa-nui-tour) and states: “The Sustainable Tourism Commitment recognises tourism service providers who undertake concrete actions to reduce the impact of their operations while positively contributing to their business, the environment and local communities.”

Our research focuses on long-term tourism development on Rapa Nui, considering the recent effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. Interviews and participant observations before, during and after the pandemic explored attitudes towards sustainable tourism and cultural heritage management. Our data were analysed alongside previous research on visitor profiles and host relationships. Our aim was to investigate Rapa Nui’s tourism industry using a longitudinal approach to understand tourism’s effects on social, economic and environmental sustainability.

Pre-pandemic, the tourist profile primarily consisted of high-spending international visitors attracted to archaeological sites and ahu-moai complexes. Since the early 2000s, the profile has shifted towards domestic tourists, with at least 50% Chilean visitors interested in beaches, food and cultural entertainment. Our quantitative survey indicates that while international tourists still focus on monuments, domestic visitors increasingly view Rapa Nui as an exotic island destination. Visitor numbers peaked at approximately 150,000 per year in 2019 before declining sharply due to the pandemic. Our interviews, official tourism documents and observations demonstrate a shift from high-value, low-volume tourism to high-volume, low-value tourism, raising concerns about Rapa Nui’s positioning as a unique cultural and heritage site. This, coupled with increased migration, has led to resistance among the Indigenous population and concerns over identity loss and lack of participation in sustaining and creating tourism values that enhance social sustainability.

The development of a network society and increased tourist numbers have enabled more Rapa Nui residents to establish BnBs, hostels and campsites. Economic benefits have shifted from large hotel owners and agencies to individual hosts, including non-Rapanui immigrants. While this democratises economic opportunities, it challenges traditional power structures and the Rapa Nui way of life.

Re-traditionalisation of Indigenous Rapa Nui practices, driven by site restoration (Concha, 2017), now focuses on contesting colonial annexation documents and asserting control over land and economic benefits from National Park entrance fees. Indigenous demands also include repatriation of human remains and artefacts of cultural and spiritual value, such as moai and wooden statues held in Chilean and international museums. Our research indicates a revival of the Rapanui language and traditional customs, including dance, arts and crafts, alongside demands for control over land and economic assets associated with tangible cultural heritage.

Rapa Nui was annexed by Chile in 1888, but there has been a continuous struggle for independence or equitable partnership, with the Rapa Nui seeking control over assets and recognition of land rights. The National Park, which houses most monuments, became a World Heritage Site in 1995 and was managed by CONAF until 2017, when the Indigenous organisation Mau Henua took over management and economic benefits for 50 years. While increased tourist numbers could boost the economy, interviews show that both the tourism industry and the community want to limit visitor numbers and create sustainable tourism plans that consider all societal sectors.

Discussions on sustainable tourism began in 2013–2014, leading to a carrying capacity plan, which was criticised for excluding certain societal sectors. Observations from 2017 to 2019 indicate that sustainability efforts focused primarily on environmental aspects. Our research shows that pre-pandemic sustainability initiatives followed a “tourism-first” perspective (Saarinen, 2014), equating sustainable tourism with minimising ecological impact.

Post-pandemic, the Indigenous community has appropriated spaces of power previously granted by the State, allowing involvement in local political decisions. For example, local authorities closed access ports early in the pandemic to protect the population. The tourism pause allowed collective reflection on future tourism development with lower environmental and cultural impact. This led to the idea of a ten-year Tourism Development Plan based on workshops with representatives from all sectors, to regulate tourism equitably and sustainably. Our research contributed via workshops and the presentation of results in November 2023.

While tourism has supported economic development, it has also resulted in the loss of family and cultural recreational spaces and environmental impacts. The Rapanui are now moving towards socially sustainable host-visitor relationships, incorporating co-creation and living Indigenous traditions. There is increasing recognition that the tourism industry must balance qualitative and quantitative aspects to create a sustainable society. Regulations requiring guides to be certified, preferably Rapanui, facilitate co-creation and social sustainability. However, tensions and disagreements among various groups remain. Overall, sustainable tourism on Rapa Nui has evolved from an environmental focus pre-COVID-19 to a broader approach including social and Indigenous values post-COVID-19. Balancing host–visitor relationships across social, environmental and economic dimensions provides a foundation for a sustainable society inclusive of tourism.

Important persons to this project are Rapanui Director Sonia Haoa Cardinali and her foundation Mata ki te Rangi with the assistance of MA student Mattarena Tuki. We are grateful to Ms. Tuki and Doctoral fellow Marije Poort who assisted Martinsson-Wallin and Persson-Fischier to organise and making the interviews in 2019 before Corvid-19. The interviews in the end of the pandemic, 2022, was organised by Ass. Prof Marjory Murray and carried out by Anthropologist Ms. Lafquen Passalacqua Hucke, Rapa Nui. Concerning student exchanges related to heritage and archaeology and here I would like to mention the contribution of the Swedish MA. Olivia Gustavsson and MA Anton Uvélius as well as Rapanui Archaeologist MA. Isaias Hey Gonzales and Archaeology student Enerike Ngaara Te Manu Carrasco Hotus. The project has also included Dr Olaug Andreassen and her contribution on issues of emotions and repatriation that will be presented elsewhere.

The supplementary material for this article can be found online.