Collaboration between stakeholders in the design of a context-based curriculum in Ghana

Curriculum has been conceptualised in diverse ways suggesting that depending on the context, the concept could be simple or complex. In a simplistic sense, curriculum may refer to behavioural objectives or a plan for instruction of a specific subject aimed at actualising the objectives over a short period ranging from lessons to weekly schemes of work (Smith, 1996/2000; Lunenburg, 2011). In a complex sense, it may be conceptualised to encompass the total programme of an educational institution which may be represented in retrievable documents of several levels of generality (Glatthorn, Boschee, Whitehead, & Boschee, 2018). Such conceptualisations suggest that curriculum is a product to be transmitted and also a process essentially occurring as the product is being transmitted (Smith, 1996/2000; Lunenburg, 2011). The latter conceptualisation is of interest in this study, specifically, the Bachelor of Education (B.Ed.) degree of the Colleges of Education (CoE) in Ghana. We focus on examining the nature and forms of collaboration among stakeholders-that led to, and existed during, the design of the B.Ed. curriculum. The interest and focus spring out of the acknowledgement of the correlation between teachers’ education and training, and the management of learning crises (International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement, Martin, Foy, & Stanco, 2012; Ganira, 2022; Ampratwum, Awal, & Oduro, 2016). The correlation makes it crucial to ensure that the design of the teacher education curriculum reflects the prevailing context in order to serve as a tool for improving learning.

This paper is one of a series of papers that are seeking to shed light on recent transformations in teacher education in the CoE in Ghana that were supported by foreign aid. The first paper explored the views and experiences of both local and foreign policy actors in policy formation processes for LCP and the rationale behind the processes (Sakata, Yates, Edjah, & Okrah, 2024). This current one aims to highlight the views of local stakeholders (policy makers and college tutors who identify as having the interest of the nation at heart) about the processes in an educational project that were likely to have enhanced the importance of contextualisation in the curriculum change process. The paper also prioritises the voices and views of local stakeholders which have often been stifled in the process of curriculum change supported by foreign aid in Ghana.

When designing a curriculum to address contextual issues, particularly those supported by foreign aid, the cultural values of the country in question must be prioritized, as a curriculum effective in one country may not suit another due to differences in teaching traditions, cultural values, and professional practices (Sahlberg, 2006; Berkvens, Kalyanpur, Kuiper, & Van den Akker, 2012; Nijhuis, 2019). A situational analysis with input from all stakeholders is essential to ensure the curriculum reflects the key cultural values of the country involved (Mfum-Mensah, 2009; Nijhuis, Pieters, & Voogt, 2013; Nijhuis, 2019; Lipuma & Leon, 2020).

Foreign aid, including grants and concessional loans, has long contributed to Ghana’s development, but progress has not met expectations (Tsikata, 1999; Lamptey, 2022). Aid to education often includes financial assistance, capacity development, and knowledge transfer (Riddell & Niño-Zarazúa, 2016), yet if foreign practices are incorporated without fully understanding local realities, it may impede progress (Berkvens et al., 2012). Furthermore, Ghana’s education system is highly politicized, with frequent changes in power leading to shifts in policies and reforms, many of which are foreign aid-funded, creating instability and imposing aid conditionalities that shape the country’s priorities (Adu-Gyamfi & Otami, 2020; GoG, 2019).

Ghana's education has long been influenced by Western norms, particularly from colonial powers, which perpetuates Western dominance and undermines local values (Quist, 2003; Aheto-Tsegah, 2011; Kuyini, 2013; Adu-Gyamfi, Donkoh, & Addo, 2016; Wiafe, 2021). To reduce this influence, Ghana must assert greater control and ownership over its development, especially in aid-supported programmes.

Recently, the Government of Ghana (GoG) introduced the “Ghana Beyond Aid” initiative, which aims to foster deep mental, behavioural, and structural shifts to reduce dependency on foreign aid and transform the economy towards manufacturing and high-value services (GoG, 2019). As part of this policy, foreign aid included in the national budget must now align with the country’s transformation goals (GoG, 2019). This implies that recent educational aid must support the nation’s broader strategy. Such efforts build on Ghana’s long-standing attempts, dating back to its independence, to ensure that national development, particularly in education, reflects the country’s cultural values and priorities through curriculum design (Graham, 1976; Nijhuis, 2019).

Nijhuis (2019) highlights recent moves to contextualize curricula within aid-funded projects in Ghana, pointing to the reform of the country’s polytechnics as an example. In this case, a collaboration between Ghanaian and Dutch experts resulted in the polytechnics being upgraded to degree-awarding institutions. The team, comprised local and foreign curriculum experts and educational facilitators, developed a curriculum for department heads to prepare them for the new responsibilities that came with the institutions’ elevated status. Crucially, the curriculum incorporated Ghanaian cultural practices, including a teacher-centred approach, where teachers are seen as the primary holders of knowledge, as well as an individualistic and top-down leadership style—both common features in Ghanaian institutional leadership (Nijhuis, 2019; Mascolo, 2009; Oppong, 2019; Wiafe, 2021). This example illustrates the importance of curriculum projects that respect local cultural values, which can significantly enhance the success of educational reforms.

Across Africa, similar curriculum development projects are underway. In South Africa, Van Wyk and Higgs (2011) explored how to incorporate indigenous African knowledge systems into curricula, while Case, Fraser, Kumar, and Itika (2016) conducted a comparative analysis of curriculum reform efforts in chemical engineering departments in Kenya, Tanzania, and South Africa. Their findings confirmed that local contexts play a key role in determining the success of curriculum reforms. In Tanzania, Paterson, Hogan, and Willis (2008) engaged local communities, teachers, students, and district officers in adapting a curriculum module to their specific context. Similarly, Onwu and Mufundirwa (2020) investigated the integration of indigenous knowledge into science education in Zimbabwe, emphasizing the importance of co-learning between educators and local communities. Ghana has also seen growing interest in curriculum contextualization at the classroom level. Ngman-Wara (2015) studied junior high school science teachers’ understanding of contextualized science instruction, while Moore, Martin, and Boakye-Yiadom (2020) examined how culturally conscious practices are being integrated into higher education pedagogy and assessment.

At a broader curriculum level, Ameyaw, Turnhout, Arts, and Wals (2019) and Nyame (2020) have focused on curriculum development in Ghana. Ameyaw et al. (2019), using a participatory approach, assessed how responsive curriculum development could be achieved in creating a new master’s degree program in natural resources and environmental governance. Their work demonstrated the critical importance of institutional context in curriculum design. Nyame (2020), using secondary data, advocated for aligning school learning with local contexts and knowledge to meet national aspirations. However, neither study involved foreign experts, nor did they focus on aid-funded curriculum development.

Nijhuis (2019) remains one of the few studies that examines curriculum development in an aid-funded project involving both local and foreign experts. The study underscores the role of cultural factors in shaping curriculum processes, particularly in international collaborations. In these contexts, power dynamics are significant, raising the question of whose voice prevails in the decision-making process. Much of the literature (Quist, 2003; Aheto-Tsegah, 2011; Kuyini, 2013; Adu-Gyamfi et al., 2016; Wiafe, 2021) focuses on the impact of aid on educational outcomes, but less attention has been paid to the power dynamics between local and international teams.

Moreover, research on power dynamics often highlights that teachers and student – those at the bottom of the hierarchy – are frequently excluded from curriculum reform processes (Edu-Buandoh & Mwinlaaru, 2013; Fullan, 2015; Dube & Jita, 2018; Adu-Gyamfi & Otami, 2020). This gap in the literature calls for more studies on the involvement of local voices, particularly in aid-funded projects. Apart from Nijhuis (2019), most research addresses contextualization within existing curricula. In contrast, this study examines the development of a new curriculum—the B.Ed. program for Ghana’s Colleges of Education—created through collaboration between local and foreign experts with aid funding. It aims to elevate the voices of local stakeholders, which are often overlooked in the curriculum reform process in Ghana.

To achieve this objective, the study aimed to address two research questions:

• (1)

  What is the nature of local stakeholder involvement in the curriculum reform process?

• (2)

  How did local policymakers, policy advisors, university faculty, and CoE faculty ensure the contextualisation of the curriculum?

The rest of this paper is divided into five sections. In the first two sections, the transformations occurring within the CoE and the theoretical framework guiding this research are discussed. Subsequently, the methods employed for data collection and analysis are set out. Quotations from the interviews are then used to present the themes that emerged, and these are analysed and discussed in relation to the relevant literature. The concluding section of paper summarises the findings, draws conclusions, and proposes potential avenues for future research.

With the aim of providing a basis for appreciating the current state of the colleges, this section briefly captures the journey of the teaching profession, education and reform in Ghana. It also provides the specific reform context for this study.

Ghana's national reform initiatives aim to transform teaching and learning to enhance educational outcomes, particularly at the pre-tertiary levels (MoE, 2018). These reforms focus on improving teacher quality as a key factor in achieving better results. Major changes in teacher education trace back to the 1987 pre-tertiary education reforms (Akyeampong, 2003). However, challenges in the 1970s and 1980s—marked by a mass exodus of trained teachers seeking better working conditions—disrupted the education system, forcing the government to recruit 24,000 untrained individuals (Cobbold, 2007). Approximately 10,000 teachers left the profession annually, threatening educational quality and prompting a series of reforms (Boakye, 2019).

The 1987 educational reforms aimed to restructure pre-tertiary education and improve access and quality (Akyeampong, 2003; Adu-Gyamfi & Otami, 2020). Subsequent reforms targeted higher education, including teacher training colleges. Although a proposed consolidation of these colleges into a single university college did not materialize, the Colleges of Education (CoE) achieved tertiary status in 2012 (Ansah, Nudzor, & Awuku, 2018). Between 1991 and 2012, various reforms diversified teacher education mandating all colleges to be affiliated to the oldest education-oriented university, exposing trainees to classroom environments and introducing a three-year diploma program (Asare-Danso & Nti, 2014; Akyeampong, 2017; UNESCO, 2016).

In 2017, the Ministry of Education (MoE) launched a reform of the CoE, with the support of a foreign-based consultancy and development partners (Buabeng, Ntow, & Otami, 2020). The project management team (PMT) for the reform comprised representatives from the MoE, a foreign-based research university (FbRU), and a foreign-based consultancy company (FbCC).

The reform evolved over time, gradually expanding the CoE programmes to include a new B.Ed. degree, elevating the CoE to degree-awarding institutions, phasing out the diploma program, and promoting learner-centred pedagogies, restructuring the role of the CoE principals, and enhancing the national CoE infrastructure (Armah, 2018). The first cohort of B.Ed. students began their training in the 2019/2020 academic year, with field experience starting in 2022 (Buabeng et al., 2020). The reform aims to shift away from teacher-centred models toward more active, learner-centred approaches in education.

This paper employs social constructivism, based on Lev Vygotsky's work (Vygotsky & Cole, 1978), as its theoretical framework. Social constructivism is ideal for analysing local stakeholders' views on processes that enhance curriculum contextualization because education is a socially constructed entity. Societal norms, values, and power dynamics influence education's structures and processes, which emerge through social interaction and collaboration (Swan & Shih, 2005; Yilmaz, 2008; Ladyshewsky & Gardner, 2008). Since education is shaped by stakeholder dialogues within diverse contexts, social constructivism offers a relevant framework for this study.

Social constructivism is guided by the fundamental principles of social interaction, collaborative learning, scaffolding, authentic task-setting, ownership and empowerment (Cholewinski, 2009; Wilson, 2017). These key principles guide our analysis and interpretation of data. The principle of social interaction promotes active engagement among stakeholders, improving the curriculum's responsiveness to cultural contexts and needs (Pettigrew, 2006). Scaffolding, another key concept, encourages experienced stakeholders to guide others, enabling foreign experts to better understand local realities and adapt curriculum inputs (Falchikov, 2007; Marhaya, 2014).

Authentic task-setting emphasizes that learning, and curriculum development, are most effective when grounded in real-world contexts. This principle requires stakeholders to identify tasks and content that reflect the local cultural and political environment, ensuring alignment with national policies such as “Inclusive Education” and “Ghana Beyond Aid” (Cholewinski, 2009; GoG, 2019). Stakeholders’ involvement at all levels of the process enhances participation and ownership.

Lastly, the principle of ownership and empowerment emphasises stakeholders' active participation, fostering responsibility and agency in curriculum development (Oldfather, 1992). By involving stakeholders in decision-making, the process promotes engagement, accountability, and meaningful educational reform (Walkington, 2002; Oliver & Hyun, 2011).

While the authors recognize that not all realities, such as the physical environment, are socially constructed (Elder-Vass, 2012), social constructivism provides a valuable lens for analysing the design processes of the B.Ed. curriculum, rooted in stakeholder interaction.

The qualitative approach was used to examine the views of local stakeholders about the processes in an educational project that were likely to have enhanced the importance of contextualisation in the process of the curriculum change. In this study, local stakeholders refer to educational stakeholders of Ghanaian origin. These local stakeholders were selected purposively using internet searches and personal connections of the research team. The approach led us to the first four who agreed through phone calls and email exchanges to participate in the research. Through the snowballing technique and communication means such as WhatsApp, text messaging, emails and phone calls, the consent and participation of an additional thirteen were secured making the total number of interviewees, seventeen. These participants got involved in the reform at various stages – from inception to its implementation – in the capacity as technical, pedagogical and policy advisors, university leaders in curriculum development, facilitators, coordinators, and subject specialists. Further details of participants are presented in Table 1.

Ethical clearance was granted by the University of Cape Coast Institutional Review Board. Participants received detailed information about the study, along with invitations and consent forms. Consent was obtained either through signed forms or scanned copies returned via mail or WhatsApp. Due to COVID-19 restrictions, interviews were conducted online using Zoom or Google Meet. The semi-structured interviews format featuring open-ended questions, provided flexibility to delve deeper into participants' responses, offering richer insights than structured interviews or surveys (Ruslin, Mashuri, Rasak, Alhabsyi, & Syam, 2022).

The interviews took place from February 11th to October 22nd, 2021 and were audio-recorded. Transcriptions were performed using Otter and analysis using MAXQDA. The average interview duration was approximately one hour, resulting in a total recording time of 13:08:20, equivalent to 156 pages of a font size 12 single-spaced transcripts. To maintain confidentiality, data was anonymised using general descriptors and codenames.

Thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006) was conducted, involving coding and inductive theme development. Initially, the transcripts were examined individually to identify emerging ideas or patterns. Subsequently, team meetings were conducted to refine the codes. A coding system was created in MAXQDA, with modifications made as new codes emerged. The final stage involved linking these codes to form overarching themes, which guided the analysis and reporting without being constrained by pre-existing themes in the literature. Thematic analysis was chosen to explore the curriculum change project’s events and participants’ experiences, highlighting the importance of contextualisation. It also aligned with a social constructionist epistemology, allowing for an examination of underlying ideas, assumptions, and ideologies shaping participants' perspectives (Clarke, 2005).

The leading authors, who are professional tertiary educators from the Global South, are relatively new to the field of educational reform funded by foreign aid. Their aim is to contribute to the national agenda by ensuring that such aid is effectively contextualised within the local setting.

The limitations of this study arise from two main factors: the timing and method of data collection, and the limited participation of female. Data collection occurred during the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, which forced most interviews to be conducted online. This created challenges, particularly for tutors with unreliable internet connections due to their geographical location. As a result, the number of tutor transcripts initially targeted for inclusion in the study was reduced.

Additionally, the lack of female representation at the leadership level hindered the exploration of potential gender-related issues in the contextualisation of the new curriculum. Many of the women we approached referred us to their male colleagues, and one key female figure, identified as instrumental in the decision-making process, declined to participate. This reluctance may be attributed to the patriarchal nature of Ghanaian society, which is predominantly hierarchical and authoritarian (Munemo, 2017). Consequently, male participants may not have been fully aware of or willing to challenge the shortcomings of this system, rendering certain aspects of contextualisation less accessible.

The findings from this research are organised and discussed into three themes: cultural sensitivity, local stakeholder involvement, and ideological conflicts. These themes, guided by the theory of social constructivism and related to the research questions emerged from the data. They shed light on the nature of local stakeholder involvement in the curriculum reform process and how they ensured its contextualisation.

The Project Management Team (PMT) of the CoE reform programme (2014–2020) included both local and foreign stakeholders. A consensus-building approach was adopted, allowing local stakeholders both within and outside the PMT to share their views, fostering collaboration, ownership, and empowerment – principles central to social constructivism.

Data revealed that locals on the PMT were concerned about past aid efforts which had overlooked contextual realities. One participant noted that foreign aid workers often failed to understand the Ghanaian culture, while another remarked, “sometimes a lot of good things are proposed, but they don’t fit the local context. They don’t consider the exigencies of the Ghanaian situation”. These perspectives align with the “Ghana beyond aid” agenda which emphasises the need for greater contextualisation in reforms.

Unlike previous projects, this reform deviated from the usual patterns, with locals on the PMT playing a key role in ensuring that the B.Ed. curriculum reflected the Ghanaian context. A local policy advisor explained his role:

Having locals on the PMT acted as a safeguard against foreign ideologies that might not align with local realities. However, there is no single shared, accepted understanding of the term “ideology” (Eagleton, 1991; Eatwell, 1993; Wolf, 1999). Here, it refers to contrasting ideas about the public good expected or derived from educational reform. In this regard, local policy officials aimed to shape future reforms that considered Ghanaian realities while balancing foreign input through dialogue, as emphasised by social constructivism.

Nonetheless, the international backgrounds (See Table 1) of some local stakeholders may have influenced their perceptions of local realities, presenting non-neutral spaces that are challenging to navigate. Additionally, some team members held roles that made them valuable at both national and international levels, creating potential conflicts of interest.

In line with the national agenda for the College of Education (CoE) reform programme, the PMT engaged a broad range of local stakeholders. Initially, the reform agenda did not include curriculum development. The focus was on providing technical assistance, institutional support, project management, and promoting gender equality (Sakata et al., 2024). However, extensive consultations revealed capacity and pedagogical gaps, necessitating a broader reform approach that included developing a four-year national B.Ed. curriculum for colleges.

A local policy advisor on the PMT emphasised the importance of stakeholder involvement in shaping the reform goals. He highlighted the priority of engaging local stakeholders of all leveles of hierarchy from the beginning. He expressed this as follows:

This approach ensured the inclusion of stakeholders at various levels, from the Ministry of Education (MoE) to grassroots participants like teachers and students. The PMT created an environment where stakeholders could contribute their perspectives, fostering ownership of the curriculum. A policy advisor with the FbRU supported this view, affirming that a wide range of stakeholders, including tutors and principals from CoEs across Ghana, were consulted during the reform's conceptualisation:

Further affirmation came from yet another PMT member but he incorporates the skeptisim of a local low-level stakeholder attended the one of the consultative meetings:

The excerpt points to lingering feelings of being silenced in reform processes. The authors therefore acknowledge the challenge of assuming that mere participation guarantees a full expression of stakeholders' thoughts, given the authoritarian nature of the Ghanaian society.

On the whole, the research data points to statements that reinforce that the process went beyond the PMT, involving local stakeholders from the FbRU and tertiary institutions. This multi-level engagement aligns with social constructivism, promoting collaborative learning and ownership in the reform. Engaging a diverse range of stakeholders ensured that the curriculum reflected their needs and cultural contexts, essential for contextualising educational reforms (Pettigrew, 2006) especially in recent times when the nation is embarking on contextualisation of aid-funded reforms.

These consultations culminated in the development of several guidelines, including the National Teacher Education Curriculum Framework (NTECF), the National Teacher Education Assessment Policy (NTEAP), and the National Teachers’ Standards (NTS). These guidelines, approved by the government, provided a structured approach to curriculum design. A policy advisor described the involvement of key MoE agencies in this process:

The MoE’s involvement in developing these guidelines highlights the importance of extensive stakeholder engagement in shaping the curriculum framework.

With the expanded reform agenda in place, the PMT ensured continued involvement of CoE tutors, key implementers of the curriculum. Tutors were invited to contribute to curriculum content development and participate in orientation workshops once the curriculum was ready for implementation. A tutor from a CoE described their involvement:

Another tutor confirmed this participation, stating that CoE tutors were regularly invited to share their experiences. He remarked:

These comments illustrate that curriculum development is an ongoing process, involving not just the production of documents but trial and feedback phases to refine the curriculum. It also highlights voices that otherwise have been silenced in this context.

A notable aspect of this reform was its geographical inclusivity. The PMT ensured that stakeholders from across Ghana, regardless of their distance from the southern part where the project managers were located, could participate. To facilitate this, central locations – Kumasi for the northern sector and Akosombo for the southern sector – were designated for conferences and workshops, minimising travel barriers. This inclusivity reflects the principles of social constructivism, ensuring that all stakeholders, regardless of location, had the chance to contribute to the curriculum's contextualisation.

With extensive stakeholder consultation characterising the development of the B.Ed. curriculum, the issue of divergent opinions also emerged. Consequently, the final theme sheds light on the ideological conflicts encountered during the conceptualisation and development of the B.Ed. curriculum. These conflicts arose at both local and international levels.

This paper describes how social constructivism theory, which emphasizes collaboration and interaction, helps to understand the processes and interactions among stakeholders during the design of the B.Ed. curriculum for Colleges of Education (CoE) in Ghana. Social constructivism highlights the importance of engaging multiple voices and perspectives, but even with strong collaboration, conflicts may arise due to diverse beliefs and ideologies. In this context, ideological conflicts emerged during the conceptualisation and design of the four-year B.Ed. curriculum.

Both local and foreign stakeholders held contrasting views regarding the optimal process for effecting change in the colleges, the rationale for expanding the management of the colleges to include four additional public universities, and the subsequent development of a curriculum intended for use by all 46 CoE, supervised by the five universities. These conflicts arose between stakeholders at the international level (between the FbRU and FbCC), and at the local level (between the PMT and tertiary education leadership).

In the case of the CoE reform programme, the FbRU and FbCC reached a consensus on the necessity for change and their conception of an effective teacher. However, these two organisations held divergent opinions regarding the approach to use to persuade the CoE to acknowledge their perceived need for change, the methodology required to produce effective teachers, and the role of learner-centred approaches in teacher training.

The study revealed that a local stakeholder who was a key advisor for the FbRU advocated for enabling and guiding the colleges through self-reflection with the support of renowned local universities to identify necessary changes. This approach was deemed appropriate to sway the hearts and minds of the CoE regarding the need to change certain teaching pedagogies. Anything less, was believed to result in unwillingness to alter practices that had been followed for years and were perceived to be correct. However, this approach was not deemed appropriate by the FbCC as the key advisor for the FbRU indicated (posing and answering his own question), this discrepancy created tension between the two organisations:

The clash over methodology led the FbRU to break off collaboration after the reform’s inception. This divergence between a research-driven, participatory approach (advocated by the FbRU) and a broader institutional reform focus (favoured by the FbCC) reflects the complexities of international collaborations in curriculum reform, especially when different identities, interests, and power structures are involved. It is worth noting that the FbRU advisor was of Ghanaian origin, raising questions about whether power dynamics influenced the outcome, as the more powerful international player, the FbCC, ultimately prevailed.

From a social constructivist perspective, the voice of the Ghanaian official and the local CoE tutors should have been given more weight. By leading participatory research, CoE tutors would have been empowered to reflect on their teaching practices and identify areas for improvement, ensuring that the reform process was culturally relevant. The failure to adopt this approach risked silencing local voices, potentially excluding valuable elements of the existing educational system from the reform effort. Despite these tensions, the PMT managed the situation by involving CoE principals and tutors extensively in the consultation process, allowing their insights to be considered during the reform.

At the local level, conflict arose between the PMT and University A (a leading Ghanaian university), specifically concerning the management structure of the CoE. Initially, University A managed all 46 CoE, but the decision was made to involve four additional public universities in the oversight of the CoE. In this paper, we explore the opinions held by a leader of University A (henceforth referred to as TEL), and one local PMT member (henceforth referred to as PMTM) concerning the rationale for this decision, the impact of these differences in opinion, and how these differences were managed to ensure they did not negatively impact the development of the B.Ed. curriculum.

It should be noted that lingering sentiments remained regarding how this change of management in the CoE occurred, as several interviewees who had been identified as having insights into these local conflicts exercised their right to refrain from commenting on the matter. This situation presented challenges to the exploration of this particular conflict. A few of the interviewees, however, shared their views on this issue of local conflict. According to PMTM, the decision to involve four other public universities in managing the CoE was intended to break University A's monopoly over the colleges, thereby facilitating the change process. However, in the view of PMTM, this decision did not form part of the initial plan of the Ministry of Education or the CoE reform project managers. Instead, it emerged due to University A's resistance to certain changes (such as the centralisation of the curriculum standards). As expressed by PMTM:

This shed light on the opinions held by PMTM concerning the rationale for involving the other four universities, and the point at which that decision was made. It also points to the power that reforms with aid have over institutions being reformed. In contrast to PMTM’s opinion, however, TEL suggested that their resistance emanated from a discrepancy between the overarching rationale for involving the four additional universities and the proposal to adopt University A's existing curriculum as a common curriculum for all the 46 CoE once they were under the management of the five universities. According to TEL, their resistance was not the catalyst for bringing the other four universities on board, but rather, a consequence of this. TEL explained that their opposition to the decision was based on a fundamental disagreement over the philosophies of the various universities, which they believed would be inappropriate to merge or would be lost if the universities adopted the same curriculum. The leadership of University A perceived this convergence towards standardisation as a threat to university autonomy.

In addition, the data indicates that University A harboured additional concerns that fuelled their resistance. One such concern was the fear of the University losing its market share and competitive edge over other universities if the same curriculum was adopted for all CoE. The University believed that such a move could stifle creativity and individuality in trainee teacher education, potentially tarnishing the reputable brand it had cultivated over the years. TEL expressed these concerns as follows:

This perspective underscores the university’s desire to protect its autonomy and preserve its unique approach to teacher training. University A feared that using a single, standardized curriculum would erode the competitive edge it had built and limit its ability to innovate.

The data also suggests that University A had concerns about its market position. They believed that having a common curriculum across all CoE would limit their ability to distinguish themselves from other universities, potentially affecting their enrolment numbers and reputation. University A saw curriculum standardisation as a threat to their brand. Despite these concerns, a compromise was eventually reached. University A was granted permission to develop its own B.Ed. curriculum, separate from the curriculum used by the other four universities. This allowed University A to retain some degree of autonomy, while the other universities developed a shared curriculum for the CoE. TEL1 described the resolution:

Although two curriculum documents were developed and are in use at the 46 colleges, namely the National Teacher Education Curriculum Framework (NTECF) and the National Teachers’ Standards (NTS), both of these serve as essential frameworks guiding both curricula. For example, the NTECF requires a qualified and competent teacher to adopt and implement learner-centred pedagogies and an inclusive approach to helping their students (Ministry of Education, 2017), and the NTS sets the minimum professionalism required of teachers working in the pre-tertiary level. Both are reflected in the B.Ed. curriculum of both University A and the other universities.

In terms of social constructivism, the conflict between University A and the PMT reflects the principle of ownership and empowerment. By allowing University A to voice its concerns and develop its own curriculum, the PMT ensured that all stakeholders felt a sense of ownership over the process. The compromise allowed University A to maintain its institutional philosophy while still contributing to the broader reform goals of standardised teacher education aligned with national frameworks.

This flexibility and willingness to compromise were crucial to the success of the CoE reform programme. While the goal of standardisation was modified to accommodate University A's concerns, the broader objectives of improving teacher education and aligning it with national standards were still achieved. Both the shared curriculum developed by the four universities and University A’s unique curriculum are underpinned by the NTECF and NTS, ensuring a level of consistency across all CoE.

The study highlights the role of power in aid-driven reforms. The involvement of foreign stakeholders, such as the FbRU and FbCC, introduced external influences that shaped the direction of the reform. However, the flexibility demonstrated by both foreign and local stakeholders allowed the realities of Ghanaian society to be incorporated into the reform process. Extensive stakeholder consultation and compromise ensured that the reform was contextualised to meet the needs of the local education system.

In conclusion, the development of the B.Ed. curriculum for Ghana’s CoE was characterised by ideological conflicts at both the international and local levels. These conflicts could have hindered the reform process, but the willingness to compromise and engage in extensive stakeholder consultation helped to resolve tensions. As a result, two curricula were developed, both aligned with national frameworks but reflective of the differing needs and philosophies of the universities involved. This collaborative and flexible approach ensured that the reform objectives were met while allowing local voices and realities to shape the outcome. Ultimately, the reform strengthened teacher education in Ghana by incorporating diverse perspectives and promoting ownership and empowerment among stakeholders.

This study examines the collaboration among stakeholders involved in the design of the B.Ed. curriculum for the Colleges of Education (CoE) in Ghana, using social constructivism as a theoretical framework. Social constructivism emphasizes interaction and collaboration in learning, providing a lens to understand how stakeholders engaged in co-creating a curriculum that reflected local realities. While social constructivism promotes collective learning, it does not eliminate the possibility of challenges and ideological conflicts; instead, it offers a way to manage these conflicts through compromise and dialogue.

In many African countries, foreign aid plays a significant role in teacher education and curriculum development, as seen in Ghana’s case. However, Ghana’s “Beyond Aid” agenda stresses the need for contextualizing such aid to ensure that educational reforms align with local needs and aspirations. The Ghanaian government aims to reduce dependence on foreign aid and transform its economy by focusing on manufacturing and high-value services. Therefore, foreign aid for education must align with these national priorities to be approved in the budget (GoG, 2019).

This study finds that local stakeholders played a key role in contextualizing the new CoE curriculum. By appropriating the neutral spaces provided in the reform process, they ensured that the curriculum reflected the Ghanaian context, rather than being dominated by foreign ideologies. This aligns with social constructivist principles, which advocate for learning and collaboration through social interaction (Finnegan & Ginty, 2019). Local stakeholders, particularly those on the Project Management Team (PMT), safeguarded the process against external influences that did not resonate with the local context. This finding supports previous research showing that local stakeholders can shape curricula in terms of aims, content, delivery methods, and evaluation criteria to ensure they meet culturally informed needs (Hopkins, 2002; Rogan & Grayson, 2003; Caddell, 2005; Chisholm & Leyendecker, 2008).

Researchers emphasize that the participation of both internal and external stakeholders across all hierarchical levels is essential for successful reforms (Kettunen, 2015; OECD, 2016; Nijhuis, 2019; Al-Jubran, 2020). This approach encourages collaboration, helps manage resistance, and allows for the preservation of traditional best practices while adapting to new needs. Stakeholder engagement promotes understanding and the development of a curriculum that reflects the collective input of diverse voices, thereby increasing the chances of successful reform implementation (Freeman, Harrison, & Zyglidopoulos, 2018).

In the case of Ghana, the process of developing the B.Ed. curriculum was highly collaborative, involving input from a broad spectrum of stakeholders. These included CoE principals, universities, academics, policymakers, teachers, and students. This wide consultation contributed to the creation of a curriculum that was well-positioned for implementation, reflecting a transparent and inclusive reform process (Koskei, 2015).

However, the process was not without conflicts. Matveev and Nelson (2004) suggest that stakeholders from culturally diverse backgrounds often experience conflicts due to differences in their perceptions of the environment. While cultural diversity did not directly cause disputes in the CoE reform, disagreements arose over how to implement changes in the colleges and how to expand the management of the CoE to include four additional universities. One major conflict occurred between the FbRU and FbCC, regarding the approach to reform.

Considering the exit of the FbRU, it can be inferred that this issue was not entirely resolved to the satisfaction of the consultancy company, or perhaps that it was resolved but the FbRU lost interest in the programme. Losing the input of an institution in education reform due to conflict deprives the process of contributions it might otherwise have benefitted from. The rift highlights the challenges of collaboration when stakeholders have divergent identities, interests, and levels of power. Despite the principles of social constructivism, compromise could not resolve these deep differences, leading to the departure of FbRU and the triumph of the more powerful stakeholder (FbCC).

This local conflict reflects the importance of flexibility in managing educational reforms. By allowing University A to retain control over its curriculum, the reform process demonstrated a willingness to adapt and accommodate different perspectives, which is crucial for fostering trust and ensuring long-term success. It also underscores the role of ownership and empowerment in social constructivism. University A’s sense of ownership over its curriculum empowered it to engage positively with the broader reform, even while maintaining its independence.

In summary, the CoE reform programme in Ghana was characterized by extensive local stakeholder involvement, particularly in the development of the B.Ed. curriculum. Although the reform was supported by foreign aid and involved foreign stakeholders, the strong participation of local stakeholders ensured that the curriculum reflected Ghanaian contextual realities. Key players such as the locals on the PMT, educational leaders, CoE tutors, and advisors from FbRU were instrumental in ensuring that the curriculum was not merely imposed but was co-created through collaboration and contextualization. This approach aligns with social constructivism, where learning is a socially mediated process, and underscores the importance of local ownership in achieving meaningful educational reform. Despite conflicts at both the international and local levels, the flexibility and willingness to compromise allowed the reform process to move forward, resulting in two B.Ed. curricula that are consistent with national standards yet reflective of diverse educational philosophies.

In conclusion, this study underscores the effectiveness of employing social constructivism within the Ghanaian context, where key stakeholders represent international agencies, the Ministry of Education and its agencies, national universities, CoE tutors, and students. It demonstrates how a social constructivist approach to curriculum reform can lead to successful outcomes despite encountering stakeholder conflicts and challenges. This study examined the development of a context-based curriculum for B.Ed. students in the Colleges of Education. Through ongoing communication, negotiation, and compromise, meaningful, and sustainable outcomes can be achieved.

This article contributes to the knowledgebase of how to ensure contextualisation in the curriculum reform process within foreign-aided projects. It highlights the importance of policymakers' and curriculum developers' involvement, as well as the significance of incorporating beneficiary nation’s priorities through extensive consultation with local stakeholders to realise meaningful and sustainable outcomes.

We are grateful for the funds we received from the JSPS KAKENHI (No: 22K13651) and Hiroshima University’s Female Researchers Joint Research Grant that helped us carry out this project. Additionally, we thank Caroline Pontefract and James Sankale for joining in the collaborative analysis and discussions of this article. Many thanks go to the participating interviewees and reviewers for their time, engagement and feedback that have helped develop this article.