Wheels of opportunity: social factors and humane entrepreneurship in Uganda's boda-boda sector

The boda-boda (motorcycle taxi) industry in Uganda has become a vital part of urban mobility and economic support, especially in fast-growing cities like Kampala, where it accounts for over 60% of daily commutes (Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA), 2022). Worldwide, informal transport systems are recognized as essential safety nets for millions living in urban areas of low- and middle-income countries, creating jobs for 15–20% of urban workers and offering flexible mobility between locations. For example, studies by the World Bank (2019) and the International Labour Organization (ILO, 2020) show that informal transportation not only fills gaps in public transit but also plays a major role in job creation and poverty reduction. In Uganda, the boda-boda sector exemplifies these trends by providing flexible and affordable mobility while serving as a primary source of income for marginalized and vulnerable individuals who often lack access to formal employment. Additionally, this sector illustrates what Cervero and Golub (2007) call “paratransit entrepreneurship”, which fills important gaps in formal transportation while creating opportunities for those excluded from decent or formal work (Agaba and Ambe, 2018).

Local studies, such as those by Agaba and Ambe (2018), have observed that entry into the boda-boda profession is mainly driven by economic necessity, where financial pressures push individuals to seek immediate income sources. This is what is called survivalist entrepreneurship (Chen, 2012), with over 78% of riders citing economic necessity as their primary motivation (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2023). However, the choice to join and stay in this sector is not just about economics. It is also influenced by strong social networks, cultural norms and informal institutional arrangements often known as “stages”. Additionally, boda-boda stages help riders build collective identities (Sserwanga, 2020), which develop informal governance structures. Research by Mawejje et al. (2016) and Oketch (2018) highlights the crucial role of social structures in facilitating market entry, providing mutual aid and addressing systemic issues such as police harassment and inconsistent regulatory enforcement.

Despite an increasing body of literature on informal transport and urban mobility, there remains a significant gap in understanding the complex relationship between global urbanization trends and local social and cultural factors shaping the boda-boda profession. Although several studies have documented the economic drivers and operational challenges of the industry (Sserwanga, 2020; Lugalla et al., 2006), few have critically examined how these elements come together to influence humane entrepreneurship – a form of ethical, community-based entrepreneurship that prioritizes human dignity, well-being and inclusive growth. What remains underexplored is how such humane values emerge organically in the contexts of informality and economic precarity. This study contributes to the field by demonstrating that even within marginalized occupations, such as boda-boda riding, forms of humane entrepreneurship can evolve through collective action, empathy and social interdependence – elements often overlooked in mainstream entrepreneurship theory.

Humane entrepreneurship differs from related concepts like ethical or social entrepreneurship by placing a stronger emphasis on both economic sustainability and the psychological well-being of workers, community-oriented values and the development of human potential (Anggadwita et al., 2021). This comprehensive approach offers a more holistic framework for assessing business practices in informal and precarious work environments like Uganda's boda-boda sector.

By situating humane entrepreneurship within Uganda's informal transport sector, this study extends the concept beyond corporate and SME models, grounding it in African urban livelihoods. It addresses a key knowledge gap by examining how dignity and well-being are sustained in community-driven occupations like motorcycle transport, where humane values emerge through collective organization. Theoretically, the study contributes to debates on humane entrepreneurship by showing that informality, collectivism and survival-driven innovation foster localized forms of dignity-centered enterprise. Policy-wise, the findings inform interventions aimed at improving riders' safety, income stability and self-regulation within the informal economy. Uganda's boda-boda industry thus provides a powerful lens for understanding humane entrepreneurship as a socially embedded and contextually grounded practice that supports inclusive and sustainable livelihoods.

This study examines the emerging practices of self-regulation and community-based governance within the industry, which may provide pathways toward sustainable and ethical practices, often called humane entrepreneurship. By drawing international comparisons with similar informal transport sectors in cities such as Jakarta, Nairobi and São Paulo (ILO, 2020), the study places Kampala within a global discussion on gig work, platform governance and urban livelihoods. However, unlike previous comparative works that remain primarily descriptive, this study utilizes these global parallels to reveal how context-specific social values in Uganda shape humane entrepreneurship in unique ways, demonstrating that humane enterprise can emerge in environments marked by informality, economic vulnerability and limited institutional support.

By combining perspectives from both global and local studies, this paper aims to contribute to academic discussions on informal economies and guide policy efforts that support the dignity and sustainability of livelihoods in the informal transport sector.

The boda-boda sector in Uganda plays a crucial role in tackling urban mobility issues and providing livelihoods for many individuals. Worldwide, informal transport systems are recognized as key parts of urban infrastructure, often filling gaps left by formal public transport networks (World Bank, 2019). In Kampala, the boda-boda industry not only supports last-mile connectivity but also serves as a vital source of employment for low-income communities. Agaba and Ambe (2018) argue that the flexibility and low entry barriers of this sector enable the rapid absorption of the urban workforce, particularly among young people and women who might otherwise remain unemployed.

Furthermore, recent studies indicate that the economic contribution of boda-boda operators extends beyond mere income generation. They also support related businesses like spare parts and repair services, creating a multiplier effect in the local economy (Kamugisha et al., 2021). As digitization and mobile ride-hailing platforms, such as SafeBoda and Bolt, grow, the sector has become more integrated into the broader platform economy. These platforms enable on-demand transportation, digital payments and customer reviews, effectively turning informal transport into gig work managed by algorithms (Woodcock and Graham, 2020). However, not all boda-boda riders subscribe to such digital platforms. Many still operate within traditional informal systems, while others use a hybrid model that combines app-based bookings with stage-based customer acquisition. In this study, the term “hybrid digital-informal platforms” refers to this dual arrangement, where riders use digital apps for a portion of their rides but remain embedded in local informal networks that structure access, control and collective bargaining.

This shift to platform-mediated work reflects broader trends in the gig economy, where workers act as independent contractors without traditional employment protections. In the context of boda-boda transportation, this model allows for increased visibility and customer access but also introduces new risks, including reliance on app algorithms for customer assignment and limited bargaining power (Mallett, 2024). These algorithmic mechanisms often determine ride frequency and pricing, creating performance pressures that can lead to overwork, fatigue and unsafe driving behavior. While platforms like Bolt and SafeBoda represent formalized digital systems, the hybrid forms that dominate Kampala's informal transport are less regulated and depend on community-level enforcement.

Despite these positive contributions, the informal nature of the industry presents challenges for policy oversight, tax collection and infrastructure development. Many riders lack formal business registration, which hampers governments' ability to implement safety and quality control measures effectively (Kamara, 2023). As a result, while the economic potential is significant, the absence of regulatory support also leaves riders vulnerable to exploitation, fluctuating fuel prices and market competition. The hybrid nature of digital-informal work in this sector – partly formal through apps but structurally informal – complicates regulation and calls for a rethinking of traditional transport and labor policies.

Social networks are vital to the operation and sustainability of the boda-boda industry in Uganda. Around the world, the value of social capital in informal economies is widely recognized; networks built on trust, reciprocity and shared identity often provide crucial support for marginalized communities (Portes, 1996). These community practices align with humane entrepreneurship (Emejulu and Oduro, 2019), which highlights collective welfare and ethical self-regulation alongside profit. In Kampala's boda-boda scene, these principles are visible in shared savings, peer accountability and collective resistance to exploitative policing. Studies by Mawejje et al. (2016) show that many riders enter the industry through referrals from family or friends, relying on existing networks for both financial and emotional support during their transition.

The idea of “stages” includes informal meeting points where riders gather, showing how social structures are part of the industry. These stages act not only as operational centers but also as community spaces where norms, values and practices are shared and reinforced. They serve as platforms for resolving conflicts, sharing resources and providing mutual support during difficult times. Importantly, these stages operate through informal but organized financial structures where riders contribute daily or weekly fees used for security, maintenance and leadership support. Senior members or elected leaders collect these contributions, which serve as informal governance mechanisms and demonstrate collective self-management. This arrangement, while beneficial for order and solidarity, also produces internal hierarchies where new entrants often pay higher fees or have less say in decision-making. The dual nature of social dynamics in the boda-boda sector, encouraging both inclusion and exclusion, shows the complexity of the informal labor market.

The boda-boda industry faces numerous complex challenges that not only threaten the economic stability of the riders but also impact their well-being. Financial instability remains a major obstacle; fluctuating fuel prices, passenger fare evasion and fierce competition from both regulated and unregulated riders lead to unpredictable income. Additionally, systemic issues such as police harassment and corruption worsen these economic hardships. Lugalla et al. (2006) report that arbitrary fines and detentions are common, causing riders to lose trust in government institutions and feel increasingly vulnerable.

Furthermore, the lack of formal training and insufficient safety measures are key issues that endanger riders' occupational health. Many riders do not receive comprehensive training on riding, road safety and customer service, which increases the risk of accidents and diminishes service quality. Recent research shows that these problems are worsened by the rise of digital platforms, which, while boosting competition, also introduce new market volatility for traditional riders (Brown et al., 2022). Additionally, platform companies usually do not offer health insurance, pensions or dispute resolution mechanisms, placing most of the risk on the riders (Tarr et al., 2023).

Platform-based gig work also introduces data surveillance and reputational ranking systems, which can cause job insecurity if riders receive poor customer ratings or face deactivation without proper due process (Mrvos, 2020). These digital governance tools reshape power dynamics within informal transport, with riders becoming subject to opaque algorithmic controls while still lacking legal labor protections.

The convergence of economic, regulatory and operational challenges in the boda-boda sector underscores the urgent need for integrated policy responses that address both immediate vulnerabilities and long-term structural issues. Such measures should aim to stabilize income streams, safeguard riders from arbitrary government actions and create opportunities for skills development and formalization. Additionally, there is an urgent need to develop labor policies that recognize the unique vulnerabilities of gig workers in informal transport, ensuring fair platform governance, access to social protections and participatory regulation.

Gender dynamics in the boda-boda sector reveal a transformative yet difficult aspect of the industry. Traditionally, the sector has been led by male riders; however, recent trends show a steady rise in female participation. This shift not only challenges deep-seated gender norms but also emphasizes the unique obstacles encountered by female riders. Ochieng (2022) notes that while women entering the sector have access to similar economic opportunities as their male counterparts, they often face additional barriers such as harassment, discrimination and limited access to resources like loans or mentorship programs.

The participation of women in the boda-boda industry reflects broader global patterns where informal sectors serve as alternative employment opportunities for women, especially in areas with limited formal options (Charmes, 2010). Despite these positive trends, female riders are often subjected to social stigma and safety concerns, which can restrict their operating scope and long-term career prospects. Studies highlight the need for targeted interventions, such as gender-sensitive training programs and protective legal frameworks, to ensure that more women's participation leads to fair and sustainable economic empowerment. Intersectional barriers, like age, marital status and socioeconomic background, also influence female riders' experiences. For instance, younger women face different stigmas compared to older women, highlighting layered discrimination in the industry (Cecil, 2024). Promoting humane entrepreneurship in the boda-boda sector requires embedding dignity, inclusion and gender-sensitive leadership to ensure women riders have equal agency, safety and recognition alongside men. Addressing these gender-specific challenges is essential not only for the well-being of female riders but also for improving the industry's overall inclusivity, diversity and resilience.

The idea of humane entrepreneurship, which combines ethical practices, community focus and social responsibility, is increasingly recognized as essential for the sustainability of informal sectors like the boda-boda industry. Around the world, scholars argue that promoting ethical business practices in informal economies can improve community well-being and create more resilient economies (Emejulu and Oduro, 2019). In Uganda, several grassroots initiatives indicate that boda-boda riders are already participating in practices that suggest a move toward more humane entrepreneurship. These include forming self-regulatory groups, collective savings schemes and democratic leadership structures at the local level.

These initiatives are designed not only to improve service quality but also to strengthen riders' ability to negotiate fairer terms with regulators and other market players. Kyarisiima and Aheisibwe (2018) point out that these self-organized practices build a foundation for formalizing ethical business standards in the sector. However, the shift toward fully humane entrepreneurship is slowed by a lack of formal training and limited institutional support. The incorporation of ethical entrepreneurship into official policy frameworks remains minimal, which limits the growth of these grassroots efforts. Current research indicates that with the right mix of government support, capacity-building programs and community engagement, the ethical practices among boda-boda riders can be improved to promote a more sustainable and inclusive urban transport system. By aligning policy measures with the existing social capital in the industry, there is great potential to transform the boda-boda sector into a model of humane entrepreneurship that benefits all involved parties.

While humane entrepreneurship shares conceptual ground with ethical and social entrepreneurship, it has important distinctions that need clarification. Ethical entrepreneurship usually emphasizes following moral standards and acting with integrity in business dealings (Daradkeh, 2023), whereas social entrepreneurship focuses on generating social value through innovation, especially for underserved communities (Dees, 2001). Humane entrepreneurship synthesizes ethical and social entrepreneurship by emphasizing participatory leadership, human dignity and work well-being, prioritizing people, community and sustainable livelihoods beyond ethical governance and stakeholder engagement (Olughor, 2025).

Humane entrepreneurship, therefore, extends these ideas by combining social and ethical concerns with human-centered organizational practices such as participatory governance, emotional well-being and developmental leadership (Cucino et al., 2024). It advocates for a model of entrepreneurship that supports dignity at work and sustainable livelihoods, not just external social impact or moral conduct.

Comparative studies of informal economies elsewhere provide valuable insights. In Kenya's informal matatu sector, initiatives combining cooperative governance and digital payments indicate efforts to incorporate humane values into chaotic transportation systems (Otieno, 2021). In Latin America, especially in Brazil and Colombia, informal vendors and drivers have formed associations that prioritize worker well-being and democratic accountability (Hummel, 2021). Comparing Uganda's boda-boda sector with similar Global South contexts shows how humane entrepreneurship varies, highlighting shared traits like collective governance and digital adaptation, alongside differences shaped by local culture, institutional support and informal transport dependence.

The challenges and innovations seen in Uganda's boda-boda sector are similar to those in other cities in the Global South, such as Nairobi (Kenya), Jakarta (Indonesia) and São Paulo (Brazil). In Nairobi, informal motorcycle transport also depends on stage-based peer governance and savings schemes, often facing competition from digital platforms and exploitative enforcement (Otieno, 2021). Jakarta's ojek riders have experienced similar changes, as shown by Gojek riders, who combine digital inclusion with informality and insecurity. In São Paulo, motor taxi riders handle risk and job insecurity through community support systems within unclear legal frameworks (Hummel, 2021). Humane entrepreneurship adapts to informal economy vulnerabilities, with Uganda's community “stages” uniquely sustaining practices through governance and moral solidarity.

This study used a qualitative research design to examine the lived experiences of boda-boda riders in Kampala. A qualitative method was selected for its ability to capture the detailed complexity of participants' perspectives and the social context that influences their occupational choices. The study aimed to understand how social and economic factors impact riders' decisions and practices, especially in relation to humane entrepreneurship.

Participants were chosen through purposive sampling, targeting individuals who met these criteria: (1) current boda-boda riders operating in Kampala, and (2) at least six months of experience in the industry. This ensured that participants could reflect on their motivations, challenges and community engagement with sufficient familiarity. A total of 20 participants were recruited from various boda-boda stages, representing different ages, genders and socio-economic backgrounds. Socio-economic background was measured using income, asset ownership and residential location, allowing comparisons across riders with differing economic pressures. Of these, 15 were male and five were female, reflecting the typical gender distribution in Kampala's sector. Kampala was selected as the study site due to its central role in Uganda's urban transport system, its dense boda-boda population and the presence of both traditional and platform-based operators. While the findings may not fully represent rural areas, Kampala acts as a microcosm of broader sectoral dynamics, especially where digitization and the informal economy intersect. Saturation occurred after the 17th interview, with no new themes emerging; the final three interviews confirmed thematic completeness (Guest et al., 2020).

Semi-structured interviews were used to collect detailed narratives, providing flexibility and the opportunity to ask follow-up questions. The interviews lasted between 45 and 60 min and were conducted in locations chosen by participants to ensure comfort and privacy. Topics covered included occupational motivations, stage membership dynamics, safety, financial challenges and perspectives on industry regulation. Interviews were audio-recorded (with consent), transcribed verbatim and translated into English.

Thematic analysis was used to examine the transcribed data. The process included familiarizing with the content, generating initial codes, grouping codes into themes and reviewing themes for consistency and clarity. The themes were then refined and interpreted in relation to the research goals. NVivo software helped organize codes and identify patterns across interviews.

To increase the trustworthiness of the findings, themes were verified through multiple methods. First, intercoder reliability was established by having a second researcher independently code a sample of transcripts; any disagreements were discussed until a consensus was reached. Second, member checking was performed using selected participants to verify the relevance and accuracy of key themes. Third, triangulation was employed by comparing findings across riders from different stages and socioeconomic backgrounds to identify consistent patterns. Validation techniques and reported saturation enhanced transparency and credibility, confirming that themes accurately reflected participants' lived experiences.

The study received ethical approval from the relevant institutional review board. Informed consent was obtained from all participants, and confidentiality was protected through the use of pseudonyms. Audio recordings and transcripts were securely stored and only accessible to the research team. Participants were informed of their right to withdraw from the study at any time without penalty.

This section presents key findings from the qualitative interviews with boda-boda riders in Kampala, organized by theme according to the study objectives.

The primary reason cited for choosing the boda-boda profession was financial hardship, often accompanied by limited access to formal education and employment opportunities. Some participants mentioned that riding was a way to survive:

Many riders consistently framed their work as a form of survival entrepreneurship.

These accounts reveal that the boda-boda sector functions as both a livelihood buffer and a platform for dignity restoration. Riders repeatedly described their transition into riding not only as a response to economic crisis but also as a means to reclaim agency in the face of structural exclusion.

Additionally, for female riders, financial hardship was often worsened by limited access to formal employment and social expectations that discouraged women from participating in male-dominated jobs like motorcycle transport. Female participants framed their entry into the industry as acts of defiance and survival, with one noting, “People laughed when I started, but now I feed my family every day” (Boda-boda Female Rider 6, Kawempe stage). This illustrates how economic necessity intersects with gendered resilience, a critical dimension of humane entrepreneurship grounded in empowerment rather than dependence.

Social networks played a vital role in helping riders access the industry, especially in obtaining motorcycles or learning basic riding skills. Stages, the informal hubs where riders gather, provide identity, support and informal safety nets.

Stages exemplified community-based enterprise models and social cohesion.

However, newer members often face higher membership fees and feel excluded. Additionally, several female participants mentioned limited access to stage-based savings groups and mentoring networks, pointing out that male-dominated structures often sidelined their involvement or placed them on informal probation. Humane entrepreneurship remains uneven: men benefit from solidarity, while women must persist to gain trust and leadership, reshaping stage dynamics.

The industry reflects both traditional and changing gender norms. While the boda-boda industry has been male-dominated, more women are joining despite facing cultural resistance and safety issues. Community expectations about dress codes and behavior further influence riders' practices and professional identity. Gender-based barriers remain despite some progress.

Such testimonies reveal how women create micro-spaces of resistance, challenging gender stereotypes and expanding humane entrepreneurship to include courage, self-reliance and solidarity.

Several stages demonstrated grassroots governance through elected leaders who enforce behavioral standards and promote hygiene and safety.

Participants' accounts revealed ethical business norms.

These practices establish a foundation for ethical entrepreneurship based on peer accountability. Additionally, while many viewed peer governance structures as fair and effective, female riders raised concerns that disciplinary processes were often gendered, as women were penalized for behaviors that went unchallenged among male peers, such as challenging stage leadership. This tension highlights humane entrepreneurship's potential and fragility: it fosters dignity and fairness but may reproduce inequalities.

In practice, riders negotiate justice, respect and shared leadership, collectively setting moral boundaries on profits, fairness and compassion, reflecting humane entrepreneurship principles adapted to Uganda's informal transport context.

While some riders received basic instructions, many reported inadequate superficial training.

Also, systemic gaps in skills development emerged.

Highlighting the gap in comprehensive safety education and professional development, this shortfall restricts riders' ability to consistently practice humane methods. Nonetheless, participants expressed a strong willingness to learn and self-organize informal training sessions. As one stage leader noted, “We now teach each other traffic signs every Sunday; no one wants to die on the road” (Boda-boda Leader 10, Nakawa stage). This peer-based learning culture reflects a bottom-up approach to humane entrepreneurship, where human growth and collective responsibility take precedence over formal institutional support.

Riders often described encounters with traffic police that involved bribes and random detentions. One anonymous rider began,

Riders described predatory policing.

This demonstrates how systemic corruption undermine riders' dignity and limits humane enterprise. However, the creation of informal warning systems demonstrates resilience and adaptive ethics; riders protect each other, even under exploitation, reinforcing collective humanity amid state neglect.

High fuel costs, fare evasion by passengers and competition from app-based platforms and unregulated drivers threaten profit margins.

Adaptive strategies also highlighted collective ingenuity.

Through such innovations, riders demonstrate that humane entrepreneurship thrives not only in moral discourse but also in pragmatic adaptation. Their cooperative strategies reflect ethical flexibility, a key element in sustaining dignity in volatile markets.

Despite systemic challenges, riders show a strong sense of community. Initiatives like a joint saving account and democratically elected leadership demonstrate a willingness to embrace reforms. Riders expressed interest in collaborating with government agencies to enhance safety, regulation and working conditions. Stages introduced social welfare innovations.

Despite these obstacles, women riders were active in shaping reform efforts. Some had launched women-led welfare programs within stages or campaigned for safer work environments, showing that gender-inclusive governance was developing at the margins. These efforts collectively illustrate humane entrepreneurship in motion where riders build micro-institutions of care, fairness and growth within an economy otherwise marked by precarity.

Overall, the findings reveal that humane entrepreneurship within Kampala's boda-boda sector is both a moral and practical project. It emerges not from formal training or policy, but from riders' lived negotiations of justice, survival and solidarity. Economic hardship, gendered norms and community organization intersect to produce a fragile yet dynamic ecosystem of humane-centered enterprise.

The findings show that economic necessity and social networks are closely linked in shaping the boda-boda profession. Financial hardship is the main reason that pushes people into the industry, but strong, locally embedded social networks keep them there over time. As participants mentioned, financial pressures often prompt individuals to start, but ongoing participation is mainly supported by peers at different stages (Mawejje et al., 2016). These networks offer practical help, such as pooled resources for emergencies and informal mentoring, which helps lessen the negative effects of unstable income. Theoretically, these findings extend existing frameworks on informal entrepreneurship by demonstrating that social capital is not merely a supportive resource, but a structuring force that shapes survival strategies and emergent ethical practices in resource-constrained contexts. This aligns with global studies that emphasize informal economies, where trust and reciprocal relationships serve as informal insurance (Portes, 1996; Oketch, 2018). Our study refines the understanding of humane entrepreneurship by showing that it emerges organically at the intersection of economic necessity and social embeddedness, rather than solely from deliberate ethical intent.

The study uncovers early signs of humane entrepreneurship within the boda-boda sector, where riders are increasingly adopting self-regulatory practices and mutual aid mechanisms. Despite operating in an informal setting, initiatives such as joint savings schemes and democratic leadership at the local level indicate a grassroots movement toward ethical business practices (Emejulu and Oduro, 2019). These efforts not only aim to improve safety and service quality but also empower riders to negotiate better terms with regulatory bodies and market forces. The proactive formation of peer governance structures demonstrates an inherent commitment to ethical standards and community welfare, aligning with global trends that promote the integration of humane values in entrepreneurship (Frimpong and Oteng-Abayie, 2016). However, while these practices align with the ideals of humane entrepreneurship, they often develop as adaptive responses to systemic neglect rather than through a deliberate pursuit of ethical business models. Riders establish mutual aid systems and internal regulations out of necessity to survive in a regulatory and economic environment characterized by limited formal protections. This highlights the need for policy and institutional frameworks that can support these grassroots efforts and help develop them into intentional, scalable models of ethical enterprise.

This emerging model of entrepreneurship suggests that even within informal and resource-limited environments, sustainable and equitable practices can take hold if supported by collective action and targeted policy measures. The stages' collective sanctions and mutual aid systems embody humane entrepreneurship in practice, leveraging social capital to promote fairness and reduce vulnerability. However, without external support and formal institutional linkages, these practices remain fragile and hard to expand.

The research highlights significant cultural shifts in the traditionally male-dominated boda-boda industry, with increasing participation by women indicating broader societal changes. Female riders, while facing additional challenges such as harassment and limited access to resources, are breaking traditional gender norms and contributing to diversification within the industry (Ochieng, 2022; Charmes, 2010). Their presence not only challenges existing stereotypes but also brings new perspectives on service delivery and professionalism. However, the dual nature of progress is clear, as women continue to face systemic barriers and cultural biases that limit their full economic involvement. The changing gender dynamics underscore the need for gender-sensitive policies and targeted support systems that can reduce these disparities. By addressing these issues, policymakers can create a more inclusive environment that harnesses the potential of all riders, thereby strengthening the overall resilience and sustainability of the sector.

The findings have important implications for policy development and practical efforts to formalize and support the boda-boda industry. There is a clear need for an integrated policy framework that not only recognizes the economic contributions of the sector but also leverages its social dynamics. Municipal authorities can formalize stage governance structures to enhance existing humane practices such as peer accountability and collective savings. By institutionalizing these systems, policymakers can strengthen local governance, promote transparent decision, and enhance riders' sense of dignity and belonging within the urban economy.

Interventions should improve working conditions, safety, healthcare and labor rights, while integrating humane entrepreneurship into training and partnering with stages for equitable access to skills, resources and financial services for all riders. Successfully scaling up stage-based mutual aid could strengthen the urban social safety net, especially for marginalized women and youth. Providing vocational and safety training, along with access to financial services, is essential to reduce vulnerability and improve service delivery (Sserwanga, 2020; Lugalla et al., 2006). However, caution should be exercised when applying national policy recommendations derived from a small-scale urban study. While these findings are valuable, they reflect the experiences of 20 riders in Kampala and should be interpreted within that context.

Additionally, a multi-sectoral collaborative effort involving government ministries, departments, agencies, non-government organizations, civil society groups, media outlets, boda-boda associations and interest groups can help create a conducive environment for humane entrepreneurship by promoting ethical practices and transparent governance in the boda-boda industry. Such collaborations should prioritize the formal inclusion of riders in policy dialogues, infrastructure planning and regulatory reform to ensure context-specific solutions that align with their lived realities. Strengthening institutional linkages between informal transport associations and urban authorities will enhance policy responsiveness and long-term sustainability. Regulatory reforms should address police extortion. Such policy measures and reforms would tackle both short-term challenges like police harassment and market volatility, as well as long-term structural issues, ultimately building a more resilient urban transport system that benefits all stakeholders.

At a broader societal level, humane entrepreneurship intersects with labor markets, urban mobility and regional development. By embedding respect, cooperation and collective growth, the informal transport sector can create inclusive jobs, improve public transport accessibility, reduce social exclusion, foster regional connectivity and contribute to SDGs, including decent work, reduced inequalities and sustainable cities.

The study's international relevance is strengthened by drawing lessons from similar sectors in Asia and Latin America, where informal riders face comparable platform competition and social exclusion (ILO, 2020). These international parallels strongly support comparative research and policy sharing among cities in the Global South. Kampala's boda-boda sector although unique to its context, illustrates common patterns of informal transportation resilience and grassroots ethical innovation.

Although rich in experiential data, this study's cross-sectional design cannot evaluate the long-term impacts of humane entrepreneurship practices. Future research should include quantitative measures of economic outcomes and broaden the geographic scope to rural areas to confirm findings across Uganda's various regions.

The study showed that a complex mix of social, economic and cultural factors shapes the experiences of boda-boda riders in Kampala. Economic need often drives people to join the boda-boda business; however, it is the strong social networks, community-based systems and deep-rooted cultural norms that keep them in this mostly informal sector. Despite being lightly regulated, the industry has promising potential for developing humane entrepreneurship. Riders have often built grassroots systems that support peer regulation, mutual aid and democratic leadership, but the lack of formal training, ongoing harassment from authorities and limited access to financial or institutional support still slow progress toward safer, more ethical and sustainable practices.

In light of these findings, government agencies and policymakers must take decisive steps to formalize stage structures and develop supportive licensing frameworks that protect riders, improve public safety and reduce exploitation by enforcement officers. Additionally, establishing vocational programs that focus on road safety, business skills and customer service, in collaboration with boda-boda associations, will equip riders with essential skills and knowledge. Expanding access to microfinance, insurance schemes and mobile savings platforms is vital to strengthening riders' economic security. Targeted, gender-sensitive and inclusive initiatives, such as mentorship networks and providing gender-sensitive safety equipment, are crucial to supporting the increasing participation of women in the industry. Furthermore, fostering cooperative structures among riders can promote transparency, shared leadership and effective advocacy, bridging the gap between the community and government institutions. Finally, encouraging collaboration among local authorities, ride-hailing platforms, NGOs and telecom providers can boost digital literacy, expand service delivery and facilitate the adoption of technology-enabled solutions like GPS tracking and cashless payment systems – laying the foundation for a more resilient and sustainable urban transport system. Future research should also explore the potential for humane entrepreneurship in rural and peri-urban transport settings, as well as across other informal gig economies, to better understand scalability and broader applicability.

The authors would like to express their gratitude to Makerere University Business School for the financial support and institutional backing provided during the research process. We also sincerely thank the Boda Boda riders who generously shared their time and insights, making this study possible.