Neighbourhood layout design and its impact on the social well-being of inhabitants in the Qatari context: a mixed-methods study Open Access

Neighbourhood layout refers to the arrangement of streets, pathways and open spaces that influences social interactions and the way individuals navigate their environments. This layout plays a critical role in shaping community interactions and navigation (Small and Adler, 2019). Various terms have been used by researchers to describe neighbourhood layout design, including “street network,” “circulation system,” “spatial configuration,” “street pattern,” “grain,” “urban design” and “spatial organisation” (Small and Adler, 2019). According to the Ministry of Housing Communities and Local Government (2021), “layout” refers to the way routes and development blocks are arranged and how they interrelate, leading to the formation of streets and open spaces. Small and Adler (2019) describe “spatial configuration” as the segmentation of space created by the arrangement of pathways and barriers. There are two primary types of neighbourhood layout based on the level of “street connectivity” they offer – grid networks and tree networks (Han et al., 2020). The grid layout, typically found in older city centres, enhances connectivity and walkability, while the tree layout, commonly seen in suburban regions, emphasizes privacy and vehicle access. Historical European settlements utilized a square grid layout, a design pattern still prevalent in modern urban designs. However, increasing populations have led to the development of contemporary layouts such as cul-de-sacs, loops and lollipop configurations (Háznagy and Fi, 2016; Han et al., 2020).

While these distinctions are useful for a global overview, Doha's rapid urbanization presents unique challenges: car-centric infrastructure, extreme heat and cultural norms prioritizing privacy. Contemporary designs often prioritize vehicular use, which can marginalize pedestrian activity and reduce opportunities for social interaction (Nafi et al., 2021). This tendency towards car-centric design, even in different types of layouts, has significant implications for social well-being, which is something this study seeks to address in the cultural and climatic context of Doha.

Doha's urban landscape has undergone rapid transformation due to modernization, resulting in a shift from traditional neighbourhood layouts that emphasized close-knit communities to designs characterized by wider streets and larger homes. These changes have diminished opportunities for face-to-face interaction, increasing reliance on technology to maintain social connections. A socio-anthropological study conducted in the 1990s highlighted early concerns regarding neighbourhood layouts in Doha, noting residents' dissatisfaction due to reduced social interactions attributed to increased spatial separation. In these newer neighbourhood designs, broader streets and dispersed housing replaced traditional close-knit layouts, significantly limiting face-to-face social interactions and substituting personal visits with telephone communication (Ismail, 1993). More recent research has expanded on these early findings by emphasizing the cultural dimensions inherent to urban design. Furlan et al. (2022) underline the importance of neighbourhood designs that respect and preserve cultural identity while promoting communal and private activities through integrated public spaces. Furthermore, contemporary approaches like transit-oriented development have gained importance, with Nafi et al. (2021) illustrating how integration with transit systems, such as the Doha Metro, enhances social interaction and reduces car dependency.

Given these dynamics and drawing upon the discussion above, this study addresses the critical gap in understanding how neighbourhood layouts specifically impact the social well-being of Doha's residents. This study seeks to answer the following research question: How do different neighbourhood layouts in Doha specifically influence social interaction, safety and privacy? This research aims to provide insights that balance cultural values with urban planning goals. Ultimately, this study bridges global urban theory and local cultural practice, offering a replicable model for well-being-centred design in rapidly developing arid cities.

Social well-being is recognized in urban studies as a critical outcome influenced by the physical characteristics of neighbourhoods. Existing research frequently examines the relationship between urban form and social well-being through key dimensions such as social interaction, perceived safety and the availability of privacy within residential settings (Dempsey et al., 2011; Leyden, 2003). These dimensions are often found to be interconnected, demonstrating the complexity of achieving overall well-being through design interventions (Burton and Mitchell, 2006). Theoretical frameworks commonly applied in the literature include New Urbanism, which emphasizes design principles like walkability and mixed-use development aimed at fostering community cohesion (Duany et al., 1991), and space syntax, which provides analytical methods to understand how spatial configurations might shape human movement and potential social encounters (Hillier and Hanson, 1984). Reviewing how these dimensions and theoretical perspectives are treated in the existing literature provides a foundation for understanding the potential impacts of neighbourhood layout.

Research indicates that neighbourhood layouts influence social interactions at both city and local scales. On the city scale, layouts that create a firm physical separation between the neighbourhood and the city have been found to cause isolation and prevent contact (Abu-Ghazzeh, 1999). However, on the neighbourhood scale, Grammenos et al. (2002) and Stangl and Guinn (2011) suggest that grid layout is legible and provides connectivity, as in a traditional American suburban city. Cul-de-sac and loop layouts maintain safety, enhance social well-being and are efficient for transportation and land development (Grammenos et al., 2002). Dependence on cars is common in suburban neighbourhoods, reducing community sense (2009). However, a suburban study of neighbourhood layout design in Australia found no link between sense of community and attachment, while layout design combined with tree coverage and the availability of open space did impact social interaction (Abass et al., 2020). This variability suggests that layout alone may not determine social interaction, and contextual factors like climate and culture likely play significant mediating roles. In hot climates, for instance, harsh conditions can reduce the use of outdoor public spaces unless designs actively incorporate features like shade to encourage pedestrian activity and potential interaction (Lee et al., 2020; Ahmad et al., 2021).

Proximity, defined as the physical distance between points or dwellings (Small and Adler, 2019), is frequently correlated with social interaction. Compact designs promoting physical and visual connectivity are associated with higher interaction levels (Muzayanah et al., 2020; Raman, 2010). Physical proximity can foster daily encounters and a shared interest in the immediate surroundings, contributing to a sense of community (Farahani, 2016; Farrell et al., 2004). The arrangement of spaces, ensuring accessible social meeting points, influences proximity's effect (Small and Adler, 2019). While some argue grid layouts inherently offer greater proximity than cul-de-sacs (Abass et al., 2020), the relationship is complex. From a space syntax perspective, these findings align with the idea that measures of spatial integration and choice may correlate with the potential for social encounters within a layout (Hillier, 1996). Recent space syntax research on Doha's metropolitan network corroborates this by identifying how historical routes and modern infrastructure create a complex hierarchy of “urban centrality”. Major and Tannous (2025) demonstrate that the position of a neighbourhood within this larger network – whether it is part of a historically resilient core or a more disconnected modern development – fundamentally shapes its potential for both local and city-wide interaction.

The literature connecting neighbourhood layout and perceived safety often focuses on concepts like “layout legibility,” intelligibility, visual connectivity and pedestrian movement (Mahdzar et al., 2019). Some studies suggest perceived safety is higher in layouts like curvilinear loops compared to distorted grids (Burton et al., 2011), possibly because visual coherence encourages neighbourly interaction and passive surveillance (Mahdzar et al., 2019). Street connectivity has also been linked to bridging trust and social networks (Muzayanah et al., 2020), with some arguing well-connected streets experience less crime due to higher usage (Mahdzar et al., 2019). From the New Urbanism perspective, these findings stress the importance of walkable neighbourhoods, implying that car-dominant layouts might diminish social cohesion and perceived safety (Lee et al., 2020; Ahmad et al., 2021).

Neighbourhood layout is considered a key variable influencing movement pattern (Ozbil et al., 2011). However, other researchers report inconsistent or contradictory findings regarding layout type and safety, noting that social behaviours and perceptions within a single layout type can differ based on inhabitants' cultural backgrounds (Cozens and Hillier, 2008). This highlights the complexity of the relationship and the influence of socio-cultural factors. A broader view suggests that urban configurations facilitating informal social contact may also reduce crime and increase resident satisfaction (Jackson, 2003).

Alongside social interaction, the need for privacy is a crucial aspect of residential well-being that can be influenced by physical spatial arrangements (Butterworth, 2000; Hanson, 1999; Smith et al., 1969; Tomah et al., 2016). Literature suggests a balance is needed: well-connected spaces can promote social life, while deeper, single-access or well-defined spaces enable control and privacy (Pinard, 2016). The ability to control contact with others is linked to positive social psychological outcomes (Hartig and Lawrence, 2003; Lawrence, 2012). Studies have found residents may prefer the privacy offered by layouts like cul-de-sacs and loops, even while reporting a greater sense of community in grid layouts (Jackson, 2003), indicating potential trade-offs between these dimensions. Traditional Islamic neighbourhood design often prioritized dwelling privacy through features like close clustering and variations in street width (Mortada, 2003). In specific cultural contexts like Qatar, norms such as gender segregation may necessitate particular design considerations for privacy (Al-Mohannadi et al., 2020). A historical precedent for this is evident in 19th-century Qatar. In a morphological and space syntax analysis of the historical settlements of Al Bidda and Doha, Major and Janahi (2024) identify two distinct spatial models: a classic “centre-to-edge” structure in Al Bidda that assimilated visitors and residents, versus an “edge-in” hierarchical structure in Doha that prioritized resident privacy by creating an internally segregated core. This demonstrates a deep-rooted cultural practice of using spatial configuration to negotiate the relationship between public access and private life, a dynamic central to this study's findings.

Synthesizing the literature across these dimensions reveals complex and sometimes contradictory relationships between neighbourhood layout and social well-being components like interaction, safety and privacy. Existing studies highlight the significant influence of contextual factors, including cultural norms (Cozens and Hillier, 2008; Mortada, 2003) and climate (Lee et al., 2020; Ahmad et al., 2021), on these relationships. However, as evidenced by this review, there remains a scarcity of research specifically investigating these dynamics within the unique cultural, climatic and rapidly urbanizing context of Doha. Definitive guidelines for culturally sensitive and climate-responsive neighbourhood design that fosters social well-being in such settings are lacking, representing a critical gap that this study aims to address.

The literature review and the selected theoretical frameworks, particularly new urbanism and space syntax, identified indicators in which both qualitative and quantitative methods are needed to fully understand the complex interplay between the built environment and social well-being. This mixed-methods approach, combining space syntax analysis, behavioural observations, surveys and interviews, triangulates data to ensure reliability and provide a comprehensive understanding of urban form's impact on social well-being. These frameworks, with their focus on spatial configuration and use, provide the conceptual basis for the methodological choices. In this research, interviews and observations were the main methods used to collect social and behavioural data. Physical contextual data were gathered through surveys, physical environment mapping, and computational tools such as space syntax, allowing for a comprehensive spatial analysis of neighbourhood layouts. This approach allowed combining the strengths of different methods, providing a more holistic and nuanced understanding of the research problem. Figure 1 provides a schematic overview of the methodological workflow, illustrating the integration of different data streams.

This research received ethical approval from the Ethics Committee of the Welsh School of Architecture (EC1810.390). Prior to commencing the study, we obtained informed consent from all participants, ensuring they understood the study's purpose, their right to withdraw and how their data would be used and protected. It is important to note that this study has several limitations, including the reliance on self-reported data, which may introduce bias, and the focus on winter observations, which may not fully capture the impact of Doha's extreme summer heat on social interactions. While these limitations cannot be entirely avoided, steps were taken to mitigate bias and interpret findings with that limitation in mind (which will be specified in the next sections).

A case-study method was used to compare the layout design of different residential neighbourhoods and to identify their impact on inhabitants' social well-being in the cultural context of Doha. The national master plan for Doha city indicates the dominance of and preference for low-density neighbourhoods (Ministry of Development Planning and Statistics – Qatar, 2017). Therefore, to best understand the influence of design typology in Doha, this research identified case studies with different layout typologies. Six neighbourhoods were shortlisted following a site visit and assessment of their general physical qualities, including the conditions of the public spaces (parks, sidewalks and streets), the dominant residential typology and actual land use. To control the intervening socio-economic variables and focus on physical-design variation, only owner-occupation neighbourhoods built through governmental grants were selected. To ensure clarity and consistency, the neighbourhood typologies examined in this study are defined in Table 1. The majority of the dwellings or land in the selected neighbourhoods had been granted to the inhabitants (national citizens).

This study employed two methodologies to engage participants. The first methodology was random participant selection for the questionnaire, specifically targeting inhabitants who pass by the neighbourhood's public realm. A target sample of approximately 50 participants per neighbourhood was sought for the questionnaire, aiming for a total of around 300 responses across the six sites. The second was the snowball sampling method, utilized to identify interviewees. The researcher liaised with local networks to introduce the study and extend invitations to volunteers for participation, subsequently employing snowball sampling to reach additional residents who may be inclined to participate. Participation was restricted to residents who had resided in the neighbourhood for no less than five years. The demographic characteristics of the selected participants were meticulously vetted to ensure the inclusion of a diverse range of social groups, age categories (individuals aged 16 and above), genders and employment statuses. However, the snowball sampling methodology imposed limitations on the variation in the demographic profiles of the participant volunteers.

The research procedure was designed to collect data systematically across the six case study neighbourhoods, ensuring consistency and comparability. The procedure consisted of four key components: behavioural observations, survey distribution, interviews and spatial analysis, each designed to systematically gather data across the six neighbourhoods.

⁠Behavioural observations: Observations were conducted over both weekdays and weekends during the winter season (specifically, between the months of November and February) to account for variations in public space use typical of this period. Observers were trained by the research team to use a standardized observation protocol to ensure consistency and reliability in data collection. The protocol was designed to capture key aspects of public space use, informed by the study's theoretical frameworks and research questions. Activities such as pedestrian movement, use of public spaces and reliance on vehicles were systematically recorded. Specifically, observations were undertaken during multiple time points within the day (morning, afternoon and evening) on each observation day to account for the variation in activities across different times. Each observation period lasted for one hour, and a total of 18 observation periods were conducted for each neighbourhood (9 on weekdays and 9 on weekends), resulting in a total of 108 observation hours across all 6 neighbourhoods. Observers were positioned at strategic locations within each neighbourhood, selected to maximize visibility of pedestrian and vehicular movement and to capture typical patterns of public space use. The locations were chosen based on preliminary site visits and were marked on a map of each neighbourhood to ensure consistency across observation periods. Observers recorded their observations using a structured form that included both quantitative data (e.g. number of pedestrians and types of activities) and qualitative notes (e.g. descriptions of social interactions). This method allowed us to objectively document how people used and interacted within the different neighbourhood layouts.

Survey distribution: Prior to the main study, a pilot test of the survey was conducted with a small group of Doha residents (n = 10) to verify the clarity, language appropriateness and cultural sensitivity. The feedback from this pilot test helped to enhance the survey instrument. Following the pilot, the main survey was administered, yielding a total of 287 completed and valid questionnaires from residents across the 6 neighbourhoods. Surveys were administered face-to-face by trained research assistants who explained the purpose of the study and obtained informed consent from each participant. The research assistants were fluent in both Arabic and English to accommodate the linguistic diversity of Doha's population. Participants were given the option to complete the survey in either language. The survey took approximately 15–20 min to complete. The survey was disseminated to participants in public spaces, collecting data on perceptions of safety, neighbourhood satisfaction and frequency of social interactions. The survey instrument included both closed-ended questions with Likert-scale responses (e.g. “On a scale of 1–5, how safe do you feel in your neighbourhood?”) and open-ended questions to gather more nuanced qualitative data (e.g. “What aspects of your neighbourhood's design do you think contribute to your sense of safety?”). The survey was designed to capture data that would help us assess the impact of each neighbourhood layout on the individual experiences of each participant and specifically linked questions to the conceptual framework.

Interviews: In-depth, open-ended interviews were conducted with a purposively selected subset of survey participants (total n = 45 interviews; approximately 7–8 per neighbourhood) to gain a richer understanding of their lived experiences and perceptions. Participants were selected based on their willingness to engage in follow-up interviews and their ability to provide relevant insights, ensuring representation from all six neighbourhoods and a diversity of demographic backgrounds. A combination of purposive and snowball sampling methods was employed, and the researcher also engaged with local networks to introduce the study and facilitate participant recruitment. Anonymity and confidentiality were strictly maintained for both interviews and surveys, with all data securely stored and accessible only to the core research team; no identifying information was included in any publications or presentations. Participation in both components was entirely voluntary, and participants were clearly informed – verbally and in writing – of their right to withdraw at any time or skip any questions, a point reiterated throughout the data collection process. To respect cultural norms, the research team included both male and female researchers; male participants were interviewed by a male assistant, while the primary (female) researcher observed remotely when necessary. Interviews were conducted face-to-face in locations chosen by participants for their comfort and convenience, lasting between 45 and 60 min and audio-recorded with informed consent. The interviews explored three themes: participant demographics, perceptions and use of the street and broader neighbourhood and social relationships (mapped on an A3 layout).

Spatial analysis: Using established space syntax tools (specifically, Depthmap X software, version 10.14.00r; Varoudis, 2014), neighbourhood layouts were analysed for connectivity, visual integration [HH] (Hillier and Hanson integration) and accessibility. This software was chosen for its widespread use in urban design research and its ability to handle complex spatial networks. Axial maps, representing the street network as a set of intersecting lines of sight, were generated for each neighbourhood. These maps were created using a standardized procedure, with each line representing the longest possible line of sight within the street network. The maps were created using the “segment” tool in DepthmapX, with a segment length of 20 metres to capture local variations in street layout. This parameter was chosen based on pilot testing, which showed that it provided a good balance between capturing local details and maintaining computational efficiency. From these axial maps, we calculated key spatial indicators such as integration (both global and local), choice and visual step depth, which correlated with behavioural and survey data to identify patterns. Global integration (radius n) measures the topological distance from each space to all other spaces in the system, with higher values indicating greater accessibility and potential for movement. Local integration (radius 3) measures the topological distance to spaces within a three-step radius, reflecting the connectivity of the immediate neighbourhood. Choice measures the flow potential through each space, with higher values indicating spaces that are more likely to be chosen as part of a route. Visual step depth measures the number of visual steps from one space to another, providing an indication of visual connectivity and openness. These measures were calculated using standard DepthmapX parameters, and the results were visualized using colour-coded maps to highlight areas of high and low integration, choice and connectivity. These spatial measures, derived from space syntax theory, provide objective metrics for quantifying the spatial properties of each neighbourhood layout and their potential influence on movement and social interaction.

To address the research questions, a mixed-methods data analysis approach was employed, integrating statistical, thematic and spatial analyses. Statistical analysis was conducted using SPSS to examine correlations between social well-being indicators and physical design variables, with Spearman and chi-square tests identifying significant associations across dwelling and neighbourhood scales. Thematic analysis of in-depth interviews involved both inductive and deductive coding to identify recurring patterns related to spatial use and social interaction, later compared with observational and survey data. Spatial analysis, based on space syntax methods, assessed neighbourhood configuration through axial and visibility graph analyses, linking spatial variables – such as connectivity and visibility – to social network strength, mobility patterns and perceived safety.

The behavioural observation survey revealed a reliance on cars as the primary mode of transportation across all six case studies. Participants cited the lack of pedestrian-friendly infrastructure and Doha's harsh weather conditions as major barriers to walking. For instance, Dahl Alhamam recorded the highest pedestrian activity, averaging 109 pedestrians per hour on weekends, compared to Hazem Almarkhiya, which recorded the lowest activity with just 23 pedestrians per hour. This variation highlights the potential influence of neighbourhood layout on pedestrian behaviour, warranting further investigation. These findings, however, are limited in what they can tell us due to the lack of data collection in the summer period, and further research in all seasons will be needed for a more accurate and precise evaluation.

Walking was often described as utilitarian rather than social, with participants reporting that they walked primarily to mosques or local shops. This reliance on cars negatively correlated with social interaction levels (Spearman correlation coefficient −0.230, p-value <0.001). This suggests that higher car use is associated with lower social interaction. This finding provides a quantitative link between car-centric design – a feature often critiqued by New Urbanism and reduced social engagement in this context. Pedestrian movement patterns differed significantly across layout types: semi-gridded layouts exhibited higher pedestrian activity near main streets, while cul-de-sac layouts showed localized and restricted movement patterns (Figure 2). This observation supports the notion that layout typology influences pedestrian movement, with semi-gridded layouts potentially facilitating greater pedestrian flow due to their more interconnected nature – a principle central to space syntax theory, where higher “choice” values predict pedestrian flow.

Social interactions predominantly occurred in private spaces, such as homes or Majles, rather than public spaces (Table 2). This preference was shaped by cultural norms emphasizing privacy, gender-segregated spaces and environmental factors such as heat. One female resident in a cul-de-sac neighbourhood stated, “Most of our gatherings are in our homes, around our kids.” Male participants echoed this sentiment, highlighting that mosques and Majles were central to their social lives. These qualitative findings provide valuable context for understanding the quantitative data, suggesting that while certain layouts may facilitate more movement, the cultural context significantly influences where and how social interactions take place.

The spatial analysis of this research found that physical and visual proximity had significant relationships with neighbourhood layout. Semi-gridded layouts fostered stronger local networks, with residents reporting an average of 21 known neighbours (Table 3). In contrast, cul-de-sac layouts showed the weakest local ties, with only 13 known neighbours. This disparity was attributed to differences in visual-step depth, a metric of spatial connectivity. For example, Duhail (loop layout) exhibited the lowest average visual-step depth (1.33), indicating high visual connectivity and proximity of social contacts, while Onaiza (cul-de-sac layout) recorded the highest (2.86), limiting social networks to a smaller radius (Figures 3 and 4). These results show that the arrangement of spaces and street layouts influence the size of resident networks.

Residents in semi-gridded neighbourhoods expressed feeling “connected” due to the ease of access to neighbours. In contrast, those in cul-de-sac layouts often relied on family ties or immediate neighbours. One male participant commented, “I meet my neighbours daily at the mosque but rarely know where they live. We mostly interact at the Majles.” These qualitative insights, from what residents report, support the quantitative findings, giving depth to the analysis by linking spatial measures with personal experiences. These insights underscore how neighbourhood design affects the depth and breadth of social networks.

Neighbourhood layouts also influenced residents' sense of safety. Semi-gridded layouts reported the highest levels of safety, supported by higher integration, intelligibility and synergy (Table 4). Conversely, cul-de-sac layouts reported the lowest safety levels due to poor connectivity and low integration values (average integration value: 0.429 compared to 0.646 in semi-gridded layouts). The differences in safety, however, were not uniform and appear to have different values depending on which layout is being studied.

Observational data highlighted safety risks in cul-de-sac neighbourhoods, including illegally parked cars obstructing visibility and speeding vehicles. For instance, one interviewee remarked, “My grandchild plays in the yard only. He is not allowed to play beyond the fence of the dwelling. I am afraid of crazy people who drive very fast. I want the government to place speed bumps to reduce the cars' speed” (female, 50s, loop layout). This quote from one of the interviews helps to contextualize the numerical findings that show lower ratings for safety in cul-de-sac layouts and highlights the need for improved street design in those areas.

Residents with a higher sense of safety were observed leaving their property gates open, a trend more common in semi-gridded and loop layouts (Figure 5). In contrast, residents in cul-de-sac layouts frequently relied on closed gates and closed-circuit television (CCTV) systems for security (Figure 6). This observation provides further evidence of how the perception of risk is higher in cul-de-sac areas, where informal social mechanisms to reduce risk are less effective.

No significant correlation existed between neighbourhood layout and privacy satisfaction. However, mapping revealed that cul-de-sac neighbourhoods had more dwellings with raised fences, while loop layouts had the least. Interviewees noted that neighbours often overlooked their private outdoor spaces, compromising their privacy. For instance, a female resident stated, “We share a wall with our neighbour, and once they had a labourer to fix something, and he climbed down to our house! They should have asked or informed us before doing that” (female, 20s, cul-de-sac layout). In contrast, loop and semi-gridded layouts had fewer privacy-related complaints. However, interviews revealed that setbacks and multiple entrances in dwellings sometimes created conflicts. One participant explained, “I wish I could kick out a neighbour. He opened his driver's room door toward our family entrance. They do not respect our rights as neighbours” (female, 40s, cul-de-sac layout). This outcome contradicts previous studies suggesting that permeable or low private yard fences enhance social interactions between neighbours. In the cultural context of Doha, maintaining visual connections with neighbours' private spaces is discouraged, adversely affecting their social well-being.

The findings of this study provide valuable insights into how neighbourhood layouts influence the social well-being of residents in Doha, examining the interplay between urban design and the key dimensions of social interaction, safety, and privacy within a context shaped by unique socio-cultural norms and environmental challenges.

This research identified that specific types of public spaces exert a stronger influence on social interaction within Doha's cultural context compared to others. Notably, the findings indicate that outdoor public spaces currently have a limited impact on residents' daily social routines, a factor participants often linked to Doha's harsh climate. Consequently, residents reported favouring indoor public spaces. Among these, mosques emerged as particularly significant hubs, frequented daily for prayers, which participants described as promoting regular interactions, particularly among men. According to interviewees, relationships initiated or reinforced in mosques are often sustained through these frequent encounters and subsequent gatherings in private settings. This finding underscores the heightened importance of accessible and culturally relevant indoor social spaces, potentially exacerbated by the challenging climate and, as observed during fieldwork, the sometimes underutilized or poorly maintained state of outdoor areas.

While the dominance of private vehicles in Doha is well-established, this study observed its impact on pedestrian space: the prevalence of cars and instances of improperly parked vehicles often encroached upon sidewalks, potentially hindering casual pedestrian movement and interaction opportunities. This contrasts with literature suggesting that walkability and quality sidewalks are typically linked to increased casual interactions and social well-being (Wood et al., 2012; Mouratidis, 2019), highlighting a disconnect between design potential and actual use in this context. Furthermore, findings related to specific public spaces align partially with previous studies emphasizing their general importance (Raman, 2010; Karuppannan and Sivam, 2011) but specify the pre-eminence of culturally significant indoor spaces like mosques over generic outdoor ones in this specific setting. This finding provides a critical counterpoint to contemporary discussions on urban “liveability” and “conviviality”. For example, while recent scholarship argues that well-connected layouts and urban infill are designed to foster conviviality through spontaneous public encounters (Jin et al., 2024), the research in Doha demonstrates that the most valued forms of social connection often occur in culturally designated indoor venues (Janahi, 2023). This suggests that in privacy-centric societies, the “socio-spatial context” prioritizes planned sociality in private or semi-private spaces over the spontaneous public interaction often idealized in Western urban design theory.

The spatial analysis conducted in this study demonstrated that semi-gridded layouts appeared to foster stronger local social networks compared to the surveyed cul-de-sac and loop layouts. This result aligns with literature emphasizing the role of visual connectivity and proximity in facilitating community ties (Raman, 2010; Small and Adler, 2019). Specifically, the higher visual integration values and lower visual-step depth found in semi-gridded layouts provide a quantitative, syntactic explanation for why residents might know more neighbours; they simply have more opportunities for passive visual encounters. However, a significant finding was the residents' articulated reliance on Majles and mosques as primary venues for social networking, reflecting the strong influence of Qatar's cultural norms. While interviewees indicated these spaces effectively strengthen specific social bonds (often gender-specific), this focus might inadvertently limit opportunities for broader, more diverse community cohesion across different demographic groups interacting spontaneously in public neighbourhood spaces. This highlights a complex interplay where urban form (layout providing proximity, as measured by space syntax) and cultural practices (preferred interaction venues) intersect. It suggests a key refinement to theory: while layout can create the potential for social ties, culture largely dictates whether and where these ties are activated.

This study's findings revealed a perceived correlation between neighbourhood layout and residents' sense of safety, with participants residing in the examined semi-gridded layouts generally reporting higher feelings of safety. This aligns with global research suggesting that well-connected street networks can enhance natural surveillance (“eyes on the street”) (cf. Mahdzar et al., 2019). However, the findings also align with more recent critical perspectives on surveillance, which suggest that the experience of being watched can be interpreted either as a source of safety or as an intrusive presence, depending largely on socio-cultural norms. Navarrete-Hernandez et al. (2021) demonstrate that in contexts where privacy is highly valued, such as Qatar, increased “eyes on the street” surveillance can be perceived as a social liability rather than a benefit. This creates a fundamental tension that complicates the straightforward application of new urbanist safety principles, highlighting the need to consider local cultural values when implementing urban surveillance measures. The utility of space syntax lies in its ability to model and evaluate such trade-offs. For example, Karimi's (2012) work on Jeddah demonstrated how syntactic analysis could be used to create a strategic planning framework, evaluating how proposed master plans would impact the city's urban structure, including the historic core. This approach allows planners to anticipate and mitigate negative outcomes, offering a practical tool for developing context-sensitive designs that balance goals like connectivity, safety and cultural privacy. However, the research also uncovered unique safety concerns prominent in the Qatari context, particularly within the studied cul-de-sac layouts. Residents frequently cited illegally parked cars obstructing passage and visibility, alongside speeding vehicles within these enclosed spaces, as significant risks.

Furthermore, the data indicated a link between perceived neighbourhood safety and social dynamics. Supporting previous research suggesting children's interactions often facilitate parental ones (Villanueva et al., 2012), interviewees in this study explicitly stated that concerns about traffic safety and the lack of safe play areas led them to restrict their children's outdoor mobility within the neighbourhood. They perceived this restriction as directly limiting their own opportunities for informal social networking with other parents. In addition to observed issues with sidewalk quality hindering walkability, specific layout features, such as the deep cul-de-sacs and the location of central service areas, were mentioned by residents as factors discouraging casual walking and potentially reducing passive surveillance and interaction.

A key finding of this research is that the visual connectivity between private residential areas and public spaces appears to negatively impact perceived social well-being in Doha's cultural setting, where privacy is highly valued. Participants expressed discomfort when their homes' private areas (entrances and windows) directly faced public streets or neighbours' windows, often attributing this to the neighbourhood's layout. This reflects a long-standing principle in Qatari urban development. As demonstrated by Major and Janahi (2024), the historical layout of 19th-century Doha was intentionally configured with an “edge-in” structure to create an internally segregated and private residential core, distinct from the more open, visitor-friendly layout of its predecessor, Al Bidda. The privacy concerns expressed by residents in contemporary cul-de-sacs echo this historical model, suggesting that the desire for layouts that protect the household from public visual intrusion is a deeply embedded cultural norm.

The data underscore that privacy is a vital factor influencing residents' satisfaction with neighbourhood design. Specifically, the study found that the surveyed cul-de-sac layouts exhibited the highest prevalence of raised fences, directly illustrating residents' efforts to mitigate visual intrusions they associated with these layouts. This outcome aligns with studies highlighting the need for designs that balance privacy needs with socialization opportunities (Mortada, 2003; Tomah et al., 2016). Nonetheless, the widespread observation of raised fences and sometimes gated entrances in Doha points to a potential tension: while effectively securing individual household privacy, these measures may simultaneously reduce visual openness and opportunities for spontaneous neighbourly interaction at the street level.

Building on the limitations noted in the introduction, this study's conclusions should be considered in light of several specific contextual factors. First, the reliance on winter-only observations means that the findings on public space use may not fully capture the profound impact of extreme summer heat, which likely further restricts outdoor activity and reinforces reliance on indoor, air-conditioned spaces. Second, the study's focus was exclusively on low-density, suburban-style neighbourhoods populated by Qatari nationals in housing acquired through government grants. This demographic is not representative of Doha's entire population, which includes a majority of expatriates living in diverse housing typologies, from high-rise apartments to dense compounds.

Therefore, the generalizability of these findings to other contexts – even within Doha – is limited. This underscores the need for future research to broaden the scope of investigation. We recommend the following avenues for future analysis:

1. Longitudinal studies: Conducting research across different seasons is essential to develop a more accurate model of how climatic conditions mediate the relationship between urban form and social behaviour.

2. Comparative studies: Future work should compare these findings with data from neighbourhoods with different demographic profiles (e.g. expatriate communities) and physical typologies (e.g. high-density urban centres and gated compounds) to test the transferability of these conclusions.

3. Regional analysis: Expanding this research to other rapidly urbanizing cities in the Gulf Cooperation Council would help determine whether these findings are unique to Doha or reflect broader regional patterns in the interplay between modern urban design and traditional cultural values.

This study examined how different neighbourhood layout typologies in Doha influence social well-being through variations in spatial qualities such as integration, connectivity, intelligibility and visibility. Using a mixed-methods approach, including space syntax analysis, field observations and resident surveys and interviews, the research found that spatial and visual proximity significantly enhance social networks and perceptions of safety. Specifically, semi-gridded layouts, with their higher global integration values (average 0.646), correlated with stronger social networks (an average of 21 known neighbours), whereas cul-de-sac layouts with lower integration (average 0.429) supported weaker ties (an average of 13 known neighbours). However, car-centric designs, wide streets, and poor visual connectivity – especially in cul-de-sacs – limit pedestrian interaction and compromise both social support and children's safety. Cultural preferences for privacy further influence spatial dynamics, sometimes reducing opportunities for neighbourly interaction. The findings highlight the need for context-sensitive design approaches that improve walkability, enhance visual connectivity and integrate culturally appropriate privacy measures. Ultimately, this research argues that effective urban design in contexts like Qatar requires a critical adaptation of global theories, acknowledging that the path to social well-being is not universal but is deeply embedded in the specific cultural and climatic landscape of a place.