When a reviewer is informed that a book is in its sixth edition, his or her first reaction will be to find out how far it differs from the fifth. In the case of The China Reader, it turns out to be completely different. The first ‘edition’ appeared as long ago as 1967 and aimed to survey Chinese history from the late eighteenth century to 1964; later ones have been, in effect, supplements to it, each concerned with a more recent period. The present volume covers the years from 1997 to 2014. So, in fact, it would be better described as a “sixth series” rather than a “sixth edition”.
The book has 72 contributions, all previously published elsewhere between 2002 and 2014, but the majority date from 2010 or later. There are about 50 authors, of whom only about a dozen are Chinese, including several of the country’s leaders; the rest are Western scholars. The editor explains that the book aims to provide a combination of primary material originating in China, with secondary sources commenting on Chinese affairs from different points of view; some, indeed, disagree with one another. These contributions are set out under main headings such as politics, economics, sociology, environment, culture and foreign affairs; each section has been provided with a new editorial introduction which often brings its subject up to date. The text amounts in all to about half-a-million words.
There is no general bibliography, but the majority of chapters have their own lists of references; however, in the nature of the case, these have not been updated from the time of their original publication. In a collection of this kind, much depends on the quality of the index, and it does appear to be substantial and detailed.
What would the uninitiated reader (like your reviewer) learn from these contributors? It would be difficult to disagree with the editor when he declares that the rise of Chinese economic and political power in the period covered has been “the most important development in world affairs in the early twenty-first century”. What will China do with this still increasing power?
Three themes appear again and again in the collection. First, is it possible for a nation to modernise its economy and society to the level of the most advanced countries without in the process becoming Westernised in every respect? Although opinions differ, it may be argued that so far, the answer would seem to be in the affirmative. If this is so, the implications are far-reaching.
Second, can a government administer a successful advanced (and largely capitalist) economy while still maintaining an autocratic Communist state? If the former is possible only with the willing participation of an ever larger and broadly educated middle-class, can they prosper if forbidden to speak of several important topics? One contributor quotes an official list of what these forbidden topics are: Western democracy, universal values, civil society and so on. The list was reminiscent of a Communist counterpart of Pope Pius IX’s Syllabus of Errors. To take one particular example, President Xi has often emphasised that corruption must be eliminated. But can this ever be done in a one-party state without free press to expose corruption, or an independent judiciary to act against it?
Third, Chinese spokesmen (several of whom are quoted) habitually assert that China’s rise in world affairs is peaceful and that she will never become a hegemonic power. But when we consider that the Chinese defence budget multiplied by six between 1997 and 2011, and see how it is being used, for instance, to bolster the country’s sweeping claims in the South China Sea, we – and the governments of China’s neighbours – may wonder if she can really become a great power of purely pacific inclinations, differing thus from all previous great powers. It may be significant, in this connection, that the present Foreign Minister declares: “The current difficulties between China and Japan are completely due to Japan’s mistakes”. Not unnaturally, the section on foreign relations is the longest in the book. From a British point of view, it is salutary to find a Chinese diplomat remarking that “The EU is about as important for China as is Australia”. Presumably, that puts Britain on par with Queensland (Boris Johnson, please note).
It is a curious coincidence that when I was offered this book for review, the words that came immediately to my mind were those of Napoleon, quoted by the editor in his first paragraph: “China is a sleeping giant. Let her sleep, for when she wakes, she will move the world”. Readers who persevere through this long book will certainly find that it will stimulate many thoughts about what the newly awakened giant might do next.
