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Purpose

The purpose of the study was, first, to find out how the two Swiss trade associations, GastroSuisse and HotellerieSuisse, influenced the Swiss national media and political agenda during the COVID-19 pandemic. Second, the goal was to analyze to what extent the Swiss news media adopted messages by the two trade associations in their reporting during COVID-19.

Design/methodology/approach

This study uses a mixed-methods design to analyze how two Swiss trade associations, HotellerieSuisse and GastroSuisse, tried to shape the national media and political agenda during COVID-19. First, the two trade associations’ key messages in press releases were studied, followed by an analysis of the Swiss news coverage to identify message alignment during the pandemic. Furthermore, seven expert interviews with journalists and the heads of communication from the two trade associations were conducted.

Findings

The findings illuminate the complex yet professional interrelationships between the two trade associations, the Swiss news media and political spheres in Switzerland. On the one hand, the two distinct communication strategies employed by the two trade associations offer practical recommendations for successful media relations and public relations (PR) activities by corporate interest groups during times of crisis. On the other hand, the results bring forth compelling implications for democracies that are increasingly influenced by corporate interests in their political decision-making.

Originality/value

This is the first study that analyzes agenda-building processes of trade associations within a neo-corporatist system and during times of an international health crisis, namely COVID-19.

The Covid-19 pandemic had a severe negative impact on the global economy. In Switzerland, gross domestic product declined by 2.4% in 2020 [1], with a profound effect on various sectors, particularly the hospitality and tourism industry (König et al., 2022; Sager and Mavrot, 2020). Various actors attempted to stir public debate during this period to influence political decisions on restriction policies during the pandemic. Around the world, scholars have investigated the dynamics of how COVID-19 policies came about and what factors and actors influenced these decision-making processes, ranging from economic interests to political systems, the dependency on geopolitical locations, as well as social and cultural norms (Capano, 2020; Tassinari et al., 2024).

In Switzerland, for example, the political debate changed from focusing on health at the pandemic’s beginning to concentrating on the economy once the crisis advanced, given the influence of economic actors. Sager and Mavrot (2020) have shown that due to clear features of neo-corporatism in the Swiss political system, key financial players, such as the hospitality and tourism trade associations GastroSuisse and HotellerieSuisse, were successful in making themselves heard by the Federal Council and positioning their interests to argue for a reopening strategy. However, it remains unclear to what extent the intermediary of the Swiss media played a role in this process. How did the trade associations try to influence public discourse and politics during Covid-19? What were their strategies in building the media agenda and placing their messages in the public sphere? And what communication strategies did these trade associations use when engaging with journalists and politicians during the pandemic?

Prior research studying agenda-building processes highlights the impact of trade associations, corporations, and lobbyists on the media agenda (Binderkrantz et al., 2020; Berger, 2001; Schafraad et al., 2016). Scholarly work dating back to even the 1950s implies that powerful corporate political actors and elite groups are shaping policy agendas by making use of a variety of strategic communication tools, including among others public relations (PR), campaigns, lobbying, or testimonies and political statements (e.g. Gandy, 1982; Mills, 1956; Useem, 1985). More recently, Mazzoni et al. (2022) studied how the news media in Italy responded to the government’s strategic communication during Covid-19. Whereas previous research has investigated the presence of interest groups in the news in various countries and over time (e.g. Binderkrantz et al., 2016; Binderkrantz et al., 2020), less is known about how industry or trade associations are trying to influence the political, media and public agenda during times of crises (e.g. COVID-19), and what communication strategies they employ in doing so. Therefore, this study examines how the two trade associations in Switzerland, HotellerieSuisse, and GastroSuisse, tried to affect the media and political agenda during COVID-19.

Neo-corporatism describes a system wherein specific interest groups are granted a privileged position in political decision-making (Kickert, 2002). According to Sager and Mavrot (2020), this ideology was particularly pronounced in Switzerland during the first reopening phase of the restaurants during COVID-19. The scholars emphasize the positioning of business associations in the policy-making process during that period, highlighting a notable shift in governmental priorities from public health concerns towards economic imperatives within a short period. The policy narrative had changed in weeks, showing “clear features of Swiss neo-corporatism, including the resurgence and influence of the traditional big economic vested interests over the government’s approach to decision making” (Sager and Mavrot, 2020, p. 293). Although the reopening of restaurants was not scheduled until June 8, 2020, the Federal Council announced on April 29, 2020, that restaurants would be allowed to open their doors as early as May 11, 2020 [2]. The prerequisite to doing so was compliance with a protection concept that the trade associations, GastroSuisse and HotellerieSuisse, had developed together (Sager and Mavrot, 2020).

The decision by the Federal Council to reopen restaurants earlier than planned drew public criticism and debate. More specifically, it was already possible to sit with four people in a restaurant on May 11, 2020, while outdoor meetings of five people were prohibited at that time. The change of course by the Federal Council implies intense communication between the two trade associations and the politicians in power, as well as federal decision-making from which the two industries primarily benefitted. Thus, whereas the political engagement of GastroSuisse and HotellerieSuisse and its influence on lifting the Swiss lockdown measures has been recognized during the COVID-19 pandemic (cf. Sager and Mavrot, 2020), less is known about how the two trade associations used the news media to stir public and political attention for their interests during the crisis.

Indeed, scholars have theoretically argued and empirically shown that public opinion can affect policymaking (e.g. Burstein, 2003). Thus, receiving media attention as a (political) interest group can help to influence public opinion and the political agenda (Jensen and Seeberg, 2020). Berger (2001), for example, showed that corporate actors in the U.S. prefer to focus first on the policy agenda when trying to influence the debate on certain issues. However, once the scope of conflict increased for topics and became more public, they changed their strategy. They leveraged their activities to influence the news media, and thus the public agenda. Similarly, Fuchs and Sack (2022) concluded from their analysis of state-business interactions during COVID-19 in Germany that when the distance of interests between the government and businesses grew, the debate became transferred to the media agenda. Following this reasoning, our overall research question reads: (RQ) How did the two Swiss trade associations, GastroSuisse and HotellerieSuisse, influence the Swiss national media and political agenda during the COVID-19 pandemic?

It is well documented that the news media are a preferred source among citizens to gain information in crises (Van Aelst et al., 2021). Numerous media outlets worldwide have reported the COVID-19 pandemic almost minute-by-minutely, including Switzerland (Udris et al., 2020). For example, at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, around 70% of all Swiss media articles addressed the new virus, including reports on the affected industries and political decision-making (Eisenegger et al., 2020). Ever since the 1960s, the mass media have been recognized as a significant instrument for politics, as they are socially considered one of the most important sources of information on political and social events, potentially influencing the formation of individual opinions (Hallin and Mancini, 2004). Consequently, political and economic entities strategically present their interests in ways that resonate across multiple media outlets, thus affecting public opinion (Carroll and McCombs, 2003; Kiousis et al., 2016; Sallot and Johnson, 2006).

The study of the dynamic interplay between media and external actors is referred to as agenda-building. Van Leuven and Joye (2014) distinguish between three levels of agenda-building: The first level pertains to how PR activities by economic and political actors can put a certain topic or issue onto the media agenda (i.e. “what to think about”, Sallot and Johnson, 2006, p. 152). The second level describes how journalists adopt information by PR in telling us “what to think” (Sallot and Johnson, 2006, p. 152), thus how PR material is used, framed, or embedded within journalistic work. For example, a journalist can copy and paste a press release or use parts or citations of the release and contrast it with other viewpoints, facts, or opinions. Van Leuven and Joye (2014) introduce a third level of agenda building, elucidating how journalists maintain and foster relationships with their sources to secure access to information, thereby admitting that they depend on and use PR material as a common information resource.

The impact of corporate PR on the political and media agenda has widely been perceived as undue and unfair in the past, with a more differentiated picture being painted more recently. Berkowitz and Adams (1990) conclude from their literature research that the relationship between journalists and news sources is often described as “a symbiosis among friendly adversaries” (p. 724). Following Gandy (1982), corporate political actors try to influence the media and policy agenda by providing information subsidies (e.g. press releases) that are prepared in such a way as to “reduce the costs of gathering and processing information” (p. 31) on the side of journalists. For example, studies have shown that journalists use press releases as “information subsidies” to save time and work, particularly considering resource cutbacks at editorial offices worldwide (Curtin, 1999). In turn, corporations, political parties, NGOs, and trade associations are investing in PR strategies, resources, and tools that help them to tailor messages to the news media agenda, or even to the individual agenda of a single journalist (e.g. Curtin, 1999; Van Leuven and Joye, 2014). In many corporate organizations, PR practitioners have media experiences, for example, by having worked as journalists, and are therefore particularly capable of drafting messages that can successfully be placed in the news (Wilcox et al., 2015).

A plethora of research from the past decades has investigated the share of press releases or information subsidies taken up by journalists in news coverage, yielding various results contingent upon contextual factors (Curtin, 1999; Len-Ríos et al., 2009; Lewis et al., 2008). With regard to COVID-19, a recent review of research about journalism found that the pandemic left journalists and news outlets financially strained, stressed, and shifted their work to remote routines (Perreault et al., 2024). In this regard, Hoak (2021) pointed out the difficulty for journalists to comply with their normative professional ideals to fact-check sources and information during COVID-19. In fact, a study by Mazzoni et al. (2022) identified a certain “honeymoon” (p. 393) between the government and the Italian media system during the first wave of COVID-19, whereby the news media reproduced messages by the government, such as social control policies. However, this shifted in the second wave of the pandemic, when journalists started to question governmental activities and decision-making more often. Thus, based on the discussion of agenda-building and the proven interrelationship between PR activities by corporate and governmental actors and journalists, even during COVID-19, we ask: (RQ1) To what extent, if at all, did the Swiss news media adopt messages by the two trade associations, GastroSuisse and HotellerieSuisse, in their reporting during COVID-19?

The symbiotic relationship between PR and journalism illustrates that not only news media creators set the media agenda, but that it is built by different actors, particularly those with strong political and economic power. Berkowitz and Adams (1990) even speak of agenda-building power, underscoring the influence of certain institutions and their information subsidies (e.g. press releases) on the news media agenda. Research from the past has shown that access to the news media is strongly dependent on the power and resources of the respective sources that try to place their messages in the public sphere (e.g. Berger, 2001; Wonneberger and Jacobs, 2017; Gans, 2011). Trade associations are one of these groups with strong economic and political power.

Trade associations are formal institutions that represent the interests of an industry to the outside world; akin to lobbyists, who represent corporate interests and aim to influence political decision-making (De Bruycker, 2017). According to Hoffjann (2024), there are three main issues that trade associations attempt to solve: (1) striving to gain the best possible support and approval within their internal environment (members of the association), (2) creating conditions to influence decision-making among politicians and the administrative system, and (3) resolving the dilemma between the logic of membership and the logic of influence. As a result of these issues, communication by trade associations focuses on gaining legitimation by both internal members and external stakeholders, such as the political system (Hoffjann, 2024). More specifically, interest groups increasingly try to influence public opinion with their strategic issue placement in the media (Binderkrantz et al., 2016, 2020), given the crucial role that the news media also play for policymakers (Trapp and Laursen, 2017). To do so successfully, they apply instruments of strategic communication.

According to Zerfass et al. (2018), strategic communication comprises all forms of purposeful communication used to achieve business objectives. This includes targeted press conferences, press releases, interviews, background discussions, and relationship management with journalists, politicians, and other relevant actors shaping public opinion. Previous research has shown that interest groups are investing significant time and resources to get access to the news media (Dür and Mateo, 2013). A study from 2013 in Germany has shown that the most important communication goals for trade associations were agenda-setting in the public and politics as well as influencing decision-making (Hoffjann and Gusko, 2013).

However, the communication practices of trade associations were presented with new challenges during the COVID-19 pandemic (Junk et al., 2022). Given their crucial role in the economic sector (e.g. gastronomy, tourism), journalistic and political demands for the involvement of affected interest groups increase during crises. For trade associations, this often implies intensifying their communication engagement - especially, if they are perceived to be highly affected, such as in the case of the hospitality and tourism industry during COVID-19 in Switzerland (cf. Junk et al., 2022). Furthermore, trade associations have faced three obstacles when trying to effectively communicate with policymakers during COVID-19, including information overload, uncertainty, and politics (Childress and Clark, 2021).

Whereas specific studies on trade associations’ communication during COVID-19 are lacking, a change of communication due to the pandemic has also been observed among other corporate actors. A case study on the U.S. restaurant Texas Roadhouse has shown that using social listening tools, supported by AI-technology, has helped the organization to create social media strategies and respond appropriately to customers’ needs during COVID-19 (Schneider, 2024). Furthermore, a content analysis of press releases by Fortune 500 companies showed that they pro-actively communicated about their status and plans regarding the pandemic (Parmelee and Greer, 2023). Indeed, following a systematic literature review of COVID-19 research in PR from 2020 to early 2023 (Park et al., 2024), the most covered topics are relationship management, crisis/risk management, and issue management, but no research tackling agenda building as a theory or approach. Therefore, the question arises: (RQ2) What communication strategies did the two trade associations in Switzerland, GastroSuisse, and HotellerieSuisse, use to influence the media and political agenda during COVID-19?

Press Releases. Press releases from both associations' websites were collected to scrutinize GastroSuisse’s and HotellerieSuisse’s role (see Supplementary Material A for case descriptions) in shaping Switzerland’s COVID-19 measures in 2021. For GastroSuisse the period of analysis ranged from April 8, 2021 (one week before the decision to open terraces was made) to September 20, 2021 (one week after introducing the certificate obligation in restaurants). In the defined period, 17 press releases referred to the COVID-19 pandemic and related measures. Similarly, for HotellerieSuisse, press releases from the trade association’s website about the COVID-19 pandemic were analyzed between March 4, 2020 (one week before the border closure to Italy) and June 22, 2020 (one week after the border opening for all European Union/European Free Trade Association countries). This includes 14 press releases by the association.

News Media Articles. Complementing the press releases, news media articles were included in the sample. To do so, the four Swiss newspapers with the highest circulation have been used to analyze the news media portrayal of the selected trade associations, namely 20 min.ch, blick.ch, nzz.ch (Neue Zürcher Zeitung), and tagesanzeiger.ch. The online news media articles were downloaded from the cross-media database “Swissdox”. The search was restricted by using the keyword combination “name trade association AND Corona OR Covid OR Covid-19”, focusing on German-language articles, and only within the defined periods for the press releases search as described above, resulting in 109 news articles about GastroSuisse and 43 about HotellerieSuisse (see Table 1 for overview per news outlet).

Table 1

Overview of news articles per news outlet for GastroSuisse and HotellerieSuisse

GastroSuisseHotellerieSuisse
20 min.ch240
blick.ch3618
nzz.ch165
tagesanzeiger.ch1717

Source(s): Authors’ own work

Expert Interviews. Expert interviews were conducted with five journalists working for the selected news outlets described above and who have written about the two trade associations in the analyzed period, following purposeful sampling (Flick, 2014). The journalists expressed their wish to stay anonymous. Furthermore, we interviewed Patrik Hasler-Olbrych, the Head of Communications at GastroSuisse since October 2020. For HotellerieSuisse, we interviewed Patric Schönberg who was Head of Corporate Communications of the trade association between 2017 and 2022. The interviews were conducted in person, by phone, or by video, lasting 22–75 min based on semi-structured interview guidelines (one for journalists, and two more for the respective trade association), derived from the qualitative analysis of press releases and news articles respectively (see Supplementary Material B for interview guidelines) [3].

First, a qualitative content analysis of the press releases of each trade association was conducted to identify prevalent topics. Second, the news articles in the Swiss media were qualitatively analyzed to detect a) whether the media took up the topics, and b) whether direct quotes or paraphrased statements from the press releases of the two trade associations were reflected in the news media. In this approach, we mainly followed the input-output content analysis described by Van Leuven and Joye (2014). To start the analysis, the content variables from a related study by Fuchs and Sack (2022) about the role of interest groups in Germany during COVID-19 were used (see Supplementary Material C). Next to formal categories (e.g. date, author, ID), the coding predominantly included content-related categories derived inductively from the material (see Supplementary Material D).

The qualitative text analysis of press releases, news articles, and expert interviews followed the qualitative method according to Mayring (2015), including five steps: First, synthesizing the core meanings and statements of the text materials and second, delving deeper into specific material characteristics and consulting additional material to resolve ambiguities and contextualize the findings. Third, systematically organizing the material to form categories that reflected the main topics and content of all three text materials (press releases, news articles, and expert interviews; see Supplementary Material E). For press releases and the news media the categories included the description of the situation, statements and arguments regarding the associations’ position, as well as demands made by the trade associations. For the interviews with journalists, the categories ranged from the relevance ascribed to the trade association by the journalists, their perceptions regarding the reporting of trade associations in the press, and communication forms and exchanges with trade associations during the pandemic. The categories for the interviews with communication experts included, communication strategies, communication objectives, as well as media relations, strategies and objectives, all inquired regarding practices before and during COVID-19. The following section will describe the insights from the overarching categories from the analysis and how they allow to answer the research questions posed above.

The journalists interviewed in this study pointed out that trade associations have always been considered useful sources of information about a certain industry (e.g. gastronomy, tourism), even before the pandemic. One journalist stated, “Associations play a role in any economic policy issue. Because associations bundle the interests of individual industries or cross-industry interests, it is easier for us journalists to talk to an umbrella organization than to 200,000 companies (B5).” However, whereas before COVID-19, these associations were only mentioned sporadically, during the pandemic they became a key source because of their newsworthiness, according to the journalists interviewed.

Providing an answer to the first research question, the results of the analysis of the press releases and news coverage showed a strong interrelation between the official communication of trade associations and the news media as outlined below. The interviews with the journalists supported the successful placement of messages by the two trade associations in the Swiss press. For example, one journalist (B4) stated:

I believe such associations came into focus during the pandemic because they could provide information about what the pandemic meant for the Swiss economy. They could tell this firsthand and provided contacts to affected people - whether that was a barkeeper, a hotelier, or an SME.

Trade associations have a strong network of actors within their industry and were, therefore, able to assess and provide useful information on the impact of COVID-19 measures. Based on these insights, trade associations were identified by journalists as “good suppliers of ‘stories’ and good sources” who can provide media professionals with “heaps of information” (B4). The input-output analysis for GastroSuisse and HotellerieSuisse offers more insights into the successful placement of messages by the two trade associations in the Swiss media.

First, the analysis of GastroSuisse’s press releases highlighted three main topics: the opening of outdoor areas on April 19, 2021, the opening of the indoor regions on May 31, 2021, and the extension of the certificate requirement on September 13, 2021. The comparison of the information, quotes, and statements provided in the press releases by the trade association with what has been reported in the news media shows a direct alignment of the messages (see Table 2). However, for the first two topics, only limited statements and quotes were reflected in the news coverage, whereby nzz.ch, 20 min.ch, and blick.ch each only mirrored single statements by GastroSuisse, tagesanzeiger.ch published three paraphrased quotes and two direct quotes from GastroSuisse. For both topics, however, the president of GastroSuisse, Casimir Platzer, was frequently quoted directly or indirectly by various news media.

Table 2

Overview of the reflection of statements made by GastroSuisse in the Swiss news media

TopicsMentioning of GastroSuisse and topicsParaphrased quotes from press material (e.g. press release/press conference, survey)Direct citations from press releasesDirect quotations of a GastroSuisse representative
Opening of the outdoor areas (April 19, 2021)11 articles
20 min.ch (3 articles) nzz.ch (3 articles)
blick.ch (3 articles)
tagesanzeiger.ch (2 articles)
1 (nzz.ch)
3 (tagesanzeiger.ch)
Example:
“GastroSuisse spricht von einer Perspektive mit dramatischem Horizont. Die Aussichten für das Gastgewerbe seien äusserst düster.” (nzz.ch)
“Für das Gastgewerbe ist es ein erstes Signal in die richtige Richtung, dass Restaurants im Aussenbereich ab dem 19. April wieder Gäste empfangen dürfen.” (tagesanzeiger.ch)
 1 (blick.ch)
Example:
“Casimir Platzer, Präsident des Branchenverbands GastroSuisse, findet: ‘Ein auf die derzeitigen BAG-Richtwerte abgestützter bundesrätlicher Entscheid wäre als verfassungs- und gesetzeswidrig einzustufen’.” (blick.ch)
Opening of the indoor areas (May 31, 2021)7 articles
20 min.ch (2 articles) blick.ch (2 articles)
tagesanzeiger.ch (3 articles)
1 (20 min.ch)
Example:
“Er sei überzeugt, dass ein grosser Teil der Kantone den Öffnungsentscheid befürworten werde.” (20 min.ch)
 2 (tagesanzeiger.ch)
Example:
“‘Wir sind überaus erleichtert’, sagt Casimir Platzer, selber Hotelier und Präsident des Verbands GastroSuisse.” (tagesanzeiger.ch)
Extension of the certificate requirement (September 31, 2021)25 articles
20 min.ch (8 articles) blick.ch (8 articles)
nzz.ch (6 articles)
tagesanzeiger.ch (3 articles)
13 (20 min.ch)
3 (blick.ch)
9 (nzz.ch)
2 (tagesanzeiger.ch)
Examples:
“Ein Zertifikat führe zu Diskriminierung und Spaltung […].“ (20 min.ch)
“Eine Zertifikatspflicht diskriminiere und spalte die Gesellschaft. […]es gebe kaum Ansteckungen in Restaurants.” (nzz.ch)
“Für ein Feierabendbier werde sich niemand testen lassen.” (tagesanzeiger.ch)
2 (20 min.ch, including one entire article that is solely based on the press releases by GastroSuisse)
Example:
“Täglich kehren 2,5 Millionen Menschen im Restaurant, im Café oder in der Bar ein, […].“ (20 min.ch)
6 (20 min.ch)
9 (blick.ch)
3 (nzz.ch)
4 (tagesanzeiger.ch)
Examples:
“‘Wir sind zufrieden mit diesem Entscheid und hoffen, dass es auch dabei bleibt’, sagt Casimir Platzer, Präsident des Branchenverbands GastroSuisse, zu 20 Minuten.” (20 min.ch)
Er nennt die Zertifikatspflicht auf Restaurants “verfassungswidrig.” (blick.ch)
“ … warnt GastroSuisse-Präsident Casimir Platzer (59) vor einer ‘Spaltung der Gesellschaft’.” (blick.ch)
“‘Der Vorschlag des Bundesrates führe nicht nur zu einer Zweiklassengesellschaft, sondern auch zu Zweiklassenrestaurants’, sagt Präsident Casimir Platzer in der Mitteilung.” (nzz.ch)
“Man sehe einer möglichen Ausweitung der Zertifikatspflicht ‘mit grosser Sorge’ entgegen, sagte GastroSuisse-Präsident Casimir Platzer.” (tagesanzeiger.ch)

Note(s): Paraphrased quotes, direct quotes or direct quotation are counted as single cases per sentence within one article; included news outlets: 20 min.ch, blick.ch, nzz.ch, tagesanzeiger.ch

Source(s): Authors’ own work

Regarding the last topic, the extension of the certificate requirement, the media echo was stronger, and many parallels could be identified between the press material by GastroSuisse and the corresponding news coverage. 20 min.ch (21 phrases) was the outlet that reflected most quotes and statements by GastroSuisse, followed by blick.ch and nzz.ch (each 12 phrases), and lastly, tagesanzeiger.ch (6 phrases). It was particularly the use of strong and emotional language by GastroSuisse and its President Casimir Platzer that was taken up by the news media. For example, on August 25, 2021, GastroSuisse published a press release titled “The threatening division of society”. The wording of “division of society” when reporting about the extension of the certificate obligation resonated with multiple news outlets, mostly tabloids (20 min.ch, blick.ch) and more right-leaning newspapers (blick.ch; nzz.ch). Indeed, one journalist pointed out that trade associations' rhetoric changed quite severely during the pandemic.

The tone from the industry in the face of the crisis was much shriller than in normal times. [ …] The warnings have already been very insistent and loud. [ …] The most dramatic appeals have come from the industries directly affected: GastroSuisse, particularly, HotellerieSuisse to a lesser extent. (B5)

The head of communication of GastroSuisse, Patrik Hasler-Olbrych, corroborated these findings. Based on the interview, it became clear that it was essential for the trade association to produce media releases that could be “printed one-to-one in the newspaper without an editor having to do anything else to them.” This was achieved, for example, by systematically including quotes from trade association representatives. As a former journalist, Hasler-Olbrych seems to know what the media needs: “Then I have exactly what the media wants: A quote, a title, a lead, a statement - and then there’s the headline.” According to Hasler-Olbrych, they (GastroSuisse) were successful in this strategy, as “most of it (communication) was taken over in the media releases.”

The interviews with journalists who covered GastroSuisse also seem to support Hasler-Olbrych’s impression, albeit based on a different line of argumentation. As one journalist acknowledged, “Measured by their economic importance, they (GastroSuisse) almost had an exaggeratedly broad response in the media during the pandemic (B5).” The great success of GastroSuisse in setting the media agenda was explained by the fact that the industry was directly “affected by the closures” (B5) and that the industry is one “for the soul” (B5). Gastronomy, thus going to restaurants or pubs, is “close to the people” and hence a news story many people are potentially interested in. Furthermore, the media stories were not always about the trade associations themselves, according to the journalists, but also those working in the industry. Thus, stories about GastroSuisse and the sector could also take on a more personal, episodic character by “going more in-depth and showing the people affected by the pandemic and what it means to them” (B3).

The analysis of HotellerieSuisse’s press releases also identified three topics: raising awareness about the hotel industry, cooperation with government and parliament, and safety in the hotel industry. Even though the 43 articles that mentioned HotellerieSuisse during the pandemic covered these three topics in general, there was no indication that the news media picked up the language, statements, or quotations from the 14 press releases analyzed by HotellerieSuisse within the given period. However, blick.ch published four articles solely based on press releases by HotellerieSuisse, which were imported from the database of a national news agency, SDA.

Aside from these agency reports, this finding implies that other sources of information from the trade association had a greater influence on the media coverage of HotellerieSuisse, namely direct contact between representatives of the association and the media. For example, Andreas Züllig, president of HotellerieSuisse, was often quoted in the news coverage about the trade association, and interviews were conducted with him. Furthermore, HotellerieSuisse made it into the news by using a commissioned study in which the tourism industry in Switzerland was surveyed about the situation during COVID-19. The trade association could secure a prominent placement of their messages in the news by granting prime access to the findings before their official publication to selected news outlets. “The results are exclusively available to blick,” declares blick.ch [4]. Aside from the survey coverage on blick.ch, the study findings were also taken up by tagesanzeiger.ch.

The interview with the former communication representative of HotellerieSuisse confirms these findings. As Patric Schönberg admits, the association’s stories are “relatively ‘non-headline-heavy’” which “[…] made it relatively difficult to place any topics in the Sunday press or daily press outside of the business section [ …].” However, active topic placement also involved conducting studies or providing selected news media representatives with prime access for reporting, as Schönberg recalls. In addition, the communication expert confirmed that particularly personal contacts between the association and the news media were the “wire” through which messages made it into the news. According to Schönberg, journalists often contacted various association members simultaneously. For HotellerieSuisse it was therefore important to strengthen the internal communication, identify a point of contact for the press, and determine the language regulations with concrete information on the given topic.

The input-output analysis of press releases, Swiss news articles, and expert interviews revealed that the two associations applied distinct strategies in their media relations. Before COVID-19, journalists reported that they had mainly relied on press/media releases and direct contacts for information about the trade associations. However, during COVID-19, media/press conferences gained more relevance. Journalists overall perceived the communication by the associations during the pandemic as “very professional” (B3) or “generally very pleasant and very responsive.” Yet, they also recognized a shift in the trade associations’ communication strategy during COVID-19.

Patrik Hasler-Olbrych, Head of Communication of GastroSuisse, provided first-hand insights on their communication strategy during COVID-19. For him, the main change was the fast response to media requests, preparing press statements in advance, and being available for in-person press conferences and media inquiries. “I tell the media that we’ll be at that location (where the Federal Council gave their press conference) an hour after the Federal press conference, give a short speech there, and afterward, we’ll be available for everyone’s questions,” as Hasler-Olbrych describes. GastroSuisse registered a sharp increase in media inquiries during COVID-19, increasing from 180 media requests before the pandemic to 564 in 2021, the second year of the pandemic. To Hasler-Olbrych it was crucial to respond to these inquiries immediately and use the opportunity to get the message across.

Similarly, being the first to publish a media release was considered crucial by Hasler-Olbrych: “Because the first one will be first in the media.” Usually, GastroSuisse would prepare a media release before a Federal Council meeting on the COVID-19 pandemic. To do so, it was important to know what the meeting will be about and in what direction the decisions will most likely be taken. “After all, I must have the media release written before the Federal Council goes public. That means I have to know in advance what they will discuss and what they will decide.” According to Hasler-Olbrych, access to the Federal Government’s media department, as well as the news media, were good sources to get this information, implying that journalists themselves have access to sources in the Federal Palace: “We can already sense from the media one or two days beforehand in which direction it’s going,” says the communications manager.

The journalists interviewed also praised the skillful timing of commenting and releasing information by trade associations around the media-intensive press conferences by the Federal Council. “As a rule, while the Federal Council was still in front of the media, the association’s spokespersons were already able to provide us with initial quotes on what they thought of the Federal Council’s decisions,” one journalist recalls (B4). Another journalist also recognized the pro-active communication strategy of Casimir Platzer, president of GastroSuisse. “He (Casimir Platzer) was very much 'on the spot' and had a firm presence” (B1). Platzer had “often held a media conference in Bern shortly after decisive media conferences from the Federal Council” and “presented his view” there (B1), which was considered more effective than only sending out a press release, according to the journalist. Another journalist (B5) had a similar opinion: “In general, one had the impression that GastroSuisse probably managed to transport its complaints very quickly and broadly to the public.”

As already pointed out by one journalist (B5), HotellerieSuisse took a different approach in its communication strategy during COVID-19 and remained calmer when compared to GastroSuisse. Patric Schönberg, former Head of Corporate Communications at HotellerieSuisse, confirms this impression: “We openly took a stand on decisions from the Federal Council or Parliament, brought certain topics to the public, but rather reactively and cooperatively.” HotellerieSuisse deliberatively decided not to “show face” in public communication. For example, the association did not hold its press conference during the pandemic but joined other Swiss tourism associations when they organized one. Although this might have come along with being “less noticeable to people,” it also prevented the association from being confronted with public criticism, or “bigger shitstorms.” However, Schönberg confirmed that they did send out media releases in cases they had something to say and wanted to voice their opinions quickly. This has also been reflected by the increased number of press releases sent out during the pandemic, and reversely, the increased number of media inquiries, which forced HotellerieSuisse “to communicate proactively,” according to the communications manager.

Thus, HotellerieSuisse’s strategy was guided by collaboration, providing facts to the public discussion, and engaging in constructive dialog, which seemingly had a positive impact on political decision-making, according to Schönberg. “We have tried from the beginning to drive a collaborative strategy, not to complain, but to bring facts. [ …] Because we were constructive, our demands were also listened to and taken seriously,” and many closer, regular contacts have been established. Even before the pandemic, HotellerieSuisse pursued two goals with its PR activities: first, to convey a positive image of the Swiss hotel industry, and second, to influence politics, parliament as well as public opinion in favor of the association and the industry.

The interviews with the experts provided new insights into the relationships between the news media, politics, and trade associations in Switzerland during COVID-19. Journalists referred to the interactions with the trade associations and their representatives as being “straightforward” (B4), “professional” (B3; B5), and “pleasant” (B1; B2) and pointed out the high responsiveness of the trade associations when contacting their media offices, or directly the presidents of the associations. “They [trade associations] have actually always picked up or called back, as far as I know,” elaborates a journalist (B3). Another journalist confirmed that if the trade associations were interested in having their interests covered in the news, they were “of course quick to respond and easy to reach” (B4). Furthermore, the journalists were impressed by the responsiveness of the trade associations, which were always “on top of things” and never felt “run over” by questions from the media (B4). However, even though there might have been attempts by the trade associations in approaching journalists to influence the tone of a story, the journalists also made clear that these relationships remain purely professional (“relationships that are limited to the professional … it’s a matter of principle”, B5). All journalists saw this as paramount to keeping professional distance and independence.

At the same time, the journalists also emphasized that one must be careful in interpreting the messages of the trade associations, as they can have a hidden agenda. “Many gastronomy representatives at the regional level are also politicians. You sometimes have to be careful, depending on the topic, that it's not too politically biased” (B4). According to a journalist, the relationship between politicians and some trade associations was very close: “We also saw Mr. Platzer very active behind the scenes” (B1). Trade representatives were providing politicians with complaints and demands from the industry, and these lobbying activities were also reported to the news media representatives: “… (the) lobbying activities by the associations … have been very intense,” noted a journalist (B5). Particularly regarding political decision-making during the pandemic, the close information exchange between politics and trade associations became apparent, as one journalist recalls: “They have already been very, very involved. I think also in the decision-making process in Bern” (B4). In 2021, it became clear that the trade associations had primary access to the information and decisions made by the Federal Council, which was widely criticized in the media [5].

Considering these close relationships between politics and trade associations, journalists also acknowledged that it was important for them to “look critically [at] the demands they [trade associations] had on politicians” (B3). Just as lawyers, “(t)here are things you say and there are things you don’t say” (B5), summarized a journalist in the communication of trade associations. As a result, journalists needed to act like judges, listen to different sources and viewpoints, and then weigh the information against each other. Following another journalist: “That is quite normal journalistic work, that you then talk to both sides and that you also report anyway, even if someone doesn’t like it. [ …]” (B4). Another journalist also emphasized their presumable independence in their reporting by clarifying that they are “not tak(ing) over the reports one-to-one,” and that they are “not their [trade associations] mouthpiece” (B4) – even though the input-output analysis of this study puts this statement in question.

The COVID-19 pandemic in Switzerland severely impacted the economy, particularly the gastronomy and tourism industry (Sager and Mavrot, 2020). Whereas previous research has identified a strong influence of business interests on the political measures taken during the COVID-19 pandemic (Sager and Mavrot, 2020), less was known about how trade associations influenced the political agenda by trying to set the Swiss national media during COVID-19. Using a mixed-methods design, this study showed that the two trade associations, GastroSuisse and HotellerieSuisse, successfully placed their messages in the Swiss news media during the political discussions regarding COVID-19 measures. This overall finding resonates with previous research that has shown that corporations and businesses turn their messages to the news media when the issue has reached the peak of the discussion in the public sphere (Berger, 2001). It also reflects the findings by Mazzoni et al. (2022) who equally showed a strong interrelationship between the news media in Italy and the government’s strategic communication, at least during the first wave of Covid-19. Thus, when public support for policy interventions is in demand, and when a crisis has reached broad public attention, it does not only become relevant for business interests to be seen and heard in the news media, gaining attention for corporate strategic messaging in the public discourse is also more likely.

More specifically, the input-output analysis of the PR messages and news coverage of GastroSuisse and HotellerieSuisse has shown how the two trade associations managed to be covered in the Swiss news media during the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic on all three levels of agenda-building theory (cf. Van Leuven and Joye, 2014). Whereas both trade associations successfully transferred their topics of interest to the news media, the message placement varied. GastroSuisse not only achieved that its statements from press releases and press conferences resonated in the news media during the debate of opening the indoor and outdoor areas, but the trade association’s president, Casimir Platzer, was also frequently cited in the news media throughout the analyzed period. HotellerieSuisse, in comparison, was too covered in the news during the respective period of analysis, but to a lesser extent and with material and statements that could not be traced back to their press releases; yet resulted from direct contacts with journalists–resonating the third level of agenda-building.

The study showed that the two trade associations employed two distinct communication strategies during COVID-19 when communicating and managing relationships with the media. Whereas GastroSuisse used a vocal and pro-active strategy, HotellerieSuisse relied on a reactive and cooperative approach. While both strategies were successful in their own way, some of the methods used by the two trade associations also found support in previous agenda-building and news values research. First, tailoring press releases to journalistic content by including relevant information and quotes by representatives proved to be an efficient strategy as employed by former journalist and Head of Communication of GastroSuisse (cf. Pang, 2010). Studies have shown that information subsidies are more successful in getting into the news when presented in a way that resonates with independent journalistic news search or production (e.g. Van Hout and Jacobs, 2008). For example, some press releases are used by journalists unknowingly as “independent” information sources because they appear as original journalistic content in news agency copies (Van Leuven and Joye, 2014). Indeed, four press releases about HotellerieSuisse were published on blick.ch and distributed by the news agency, SDA. What is more, quotes by GastroSuisse’s president, Casimir Platzer, were frequently taken up by the media, supporting previous research that has shown that economic interest groups with insider status in policy-making (e.g. large economic influence) are more likely to be covered in the news media (Binderkrantz et al., 2020).

Furthermore, the narrations by the journalists resonated with findings from a study that has shown that news factors, such as surprise, controversy, impact-negative consequences, and elite organizations can increase the likeliness of a corporate press release to become included in the news (Schafraad et al., 2016). For example, trade associations have been identified as relevant sources for insights into how the pandemic affected the real-world economy and ordinary citizens, particularly in gastronomy and tourism – areas close to the people in Switzerland. In addition, the personalization of the news by showing workers affected by these industries made the trade associations worth a story. Lastly, the factor controversy was frequently met by GastroSuisse’s communication using emotional and provoking language that easily found its way into the news media, particularly in the tabloid and right-wing outlets. Indeed, the effect of emotional rhetoric in politics and by the elite has previously been evidenced and linked to the COVID-19 pandemic (Widmann, 2022).

Above all, however, the two trade associations relied heavily on media and press conferences and direct contacts to the press to get their message across during the pandemic. GastroSuisse, for example, made sure to hold press conferences directly after the Federal Council had met to discuss COVID-19 measures. HotellerieSuisse provided first-hand access to certain news outlets regarding the results of a study they commissioned about the tourism industry and the pandemic. Moreover, both trade associations made sure to be easily reachable for questions and comments by the news media during COVID-19. The interviews with the experts underpinned the key role fostering relationships with journalists played for the trade associations. Being fast, accessible, and timely was considered paramount by the two heads of communications from the trade associations to manage their message placements. Although journalists highlighted that they did not want to act as a “mouthpiece” of the associations, the predetermined rhetoric was present in the reports about GastroSuisse and HotellerieSuisse, implying a failed role enactment as a watchdog by the Swiss journalists covering the two trade associations, and confirming previous research in financial and business journalism (Manning, 2012; Strauβ, 2019).

Lastly, the findings from this study support the conclusions by Sager and Mavrot (2020), showing that the economic sector is deeply intertwined with the political sphere in Switzerland. This did not only become prevalent by the fact that the two trade associations seemingly had primary access to the decisions taken by the Federal Council during COVID, which enabled them to draft messages and press releases ahead of the official communication by the Federal Council; it also became clear by the dual role that some representatives of the trade associations were ascribed to by journalists: as acting in the interest for the economic sector they represent, but also for them as current or future politicians. Hence, the “symbiosis among friendly adversaries” (p. 724) as Berkowitz and Adams (1990) describe the relationship between journalists and news sources becomes corroborated and even extended in this study, showing that trade associations not only act as economic elite sources for journalists (Davis, 2003), but also as political sources whose power relationships run deep in the political system in Switzerland. This finding confirms previous research on UK pressure groups that also achieved legislative changes through media advocacy and education (Kovacs, 2004). However, following Reed and Luisi’s (2024) analysis of political rhetoric in the U.S. during COVID-19, “politicization risks pitting affected publics against one another in competition for scarce resource, including government attention and concern” (p. 290).

The findings of this study suggest that trade associations, particularly in times of crises, should balance a pro-active vocal vs. a reactive cooperative strategy that aligns well with their corporate strategy and resources available. For larger, resource-rich organizations with a broad member base, a pro-active communication strategy may be vital to demonstrating societal relevance and engagement during crises. Conversely, smaller organizations with fewer resources and less need for public visibility might find a reactive cooperative strategy more appropriate and efficient.

Second, this study reinforces prior research highlighting the critical role of building and maintaining strong relationships with journalists, particularly during crises. These relationships can be strengthened by ensuring that journalists are provided with timely and straightforward access to organizational information.

Third, the information journalists and the media are provided with should resonate journalistic standards, thereby reducing the additional work by journalists to a minimum. This includes, for example, press releases that have relevant information and data, equipped with direct and easy-to-understand quotes by representatives of the organization. Childress and Clark (2021) advice, for example, producing concise policy papers with clear structures, and no more than five actionable points to cut through the information jungle that policymakers are faced with today. Furthermore, they suggest sharing the same key information several times in different formats to the policymakers to increase retention, drawing parallels with strategies used in marketing campaigns.

Fourth, securing access to the news media can be facilitated through agreements that provide outlets with exclusive, first-hand access to new data or findings, such as commissioned studies, as demonstrated in this research.

Fifth, this study also reveals that media access can be enhanced by employing emotional or controversial language and leveraging news values like surprise or conflict—although these approaches may not align with every organization’s communication style.

Lastly, hosting regular and timely press conferences crises becomes crucial to keep the news media and relevant stakeholders informed about emerging information, opinions, and decision-making processes. Following Childress and Clark (2021), being successful in communicating with policymakers also involves the appropriate timing of information and by “keeping the conversation going” (n.p) until political pushback has been overcome.

One limitation of the study is that the findings of this paper are only based on the service sector (gastronomy and tourism) in Switzerland and are not necessarily transferable to other industries, or countries. However, considering different political environments, the interrelationship between trade associations, the news media, and politics might be even more or less pronounced. Future research should explore these relationships in diverse democratic and non-democratic settings. In addition, the decision to focus on specific periods during COVID-19 further limits this work, as the results only represent a short section of the COVID-19 pandemic and the communication that revolved around it. A long-term analysis of the influence of various trade associations on the news media and politics in Switzerland could identify whether these strong interrelations are common or just an exception in times of crises, such as the pandemic. Eventually, cross-national comparisons of the influence of trade associations on the news media and political agenda present a fruitful direction for future research.

The influence of GastroSuisse and HotellerieSuisse on the news media and politics during COVID proved manifold, sophisticated, and ultimately effective. Van Leuven and Joye (2014) concluded with a revision of PR’s image as “a wizard-like character who hides behind the curtain, pulling the strings that advance elite interests, manipulating democratic processes and using ethically questionable tactics to influence the outcomes of public policy debate” (Greenberg et al., 2011, p. 76) which finds support in this study. However, it must be noted that while Van Leuven and Joye (2014) studied PR activities by NGOs in Belgium, in our study we focused on the strategic communication used by two trade associations in Switzerland during COVID-19 - thus, a particular case within a neo-corporatist system (Sager and Mavrot, 2020). Yet, today, corporate influences on politics are not unique to democratic societies anymore, and hence the findings are relevant beyond Switzerland.

1.

Swissinfo (26/08/2021). Swiss GDP takes hit from Covid-19. Retrieved from https://www.swissinfo.ch/eng/business/swiss-gdp-takes-hit-from-covid-19/46898052

2.

SRF. (29/04/2020). Das hat der Bundesrat am Mittwoch entschieden. Retrieved from https://www.srf.ch/news/schweiz/beschleunigter-ausstieg-das-hat-der-bundesrat-am-mittwoch-entschieden

3.

The project has been checked against the checklist for self-assessing studies concerning their ethical safety of the Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at University X (insert website here) and no ethical approval had to be obtained. However, all interviewees were asked in writing whether they wanted to be cited by name before participating in the study and to safeguard their anonymity if wished. Those interviewees cited by name were also requested to double check their citations before publication.

4.

Rotzinger, U. (28. Mai, 2020). Hotels: Marktmacht von Booking, Expedia und Co. immer stärker. Blick. Retrieved from https://www.blick.ch/wirtschaft/hotels-liefern-184-millionen-gebuehrenab-sperrfrist-do-6-uhr-booking-expedia-und-co-immer-maechtiger-id15909758. html.

5.

Blick (31/07/2021). So setzte Gastro-Platzer den Bundesrat unter Druck. Retrieved from https://www.blick.ch/politik/er-drohte-bersets-departement-so-setzte-gastro-platzer-den-bundesrat-unter-druck-id16715876.html

The authors have no competing interests to declare.

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