This study highlights the self-reinforcing cycle in which educated yet unemployed transgender people are systematically marginalized. It aims to explore how structural exclusion, despite educational attainment, drives these individuals towards anti-social activities not by choice, but as a survival response to persistent societal and economic barriers.
The research adopts a quantitative approach, collecting data through questionnaire and case studies of transgender people who, despite holding educational qualifications, face unemployment.
Findings indicate that education alone does not overcome deep-rooted societal biases. Transgender people continue to experience systemic exclusion, which foster proliferation of antisocial elements and compel many into informal or criminalized economies for survival.
The study focuses primarily on specific contexts and may not fully capture the experiences of transgender people in rural areas or different cultural settings. Further comparative research is encouraged to validate and expand these findings.
This study provides an original contribution by linking the interplay between educational attainment, unemployment, structural exclusion and forced involvement in anti-social activities among transgender people. It challenges the assumption that education is sufficient for social and economic integration.
1. Introduction
In a populous country like India, employment plays a crucial role in economic development and social stability by enabling the full utilization of the nation's labour power. Employability depends on an individual's capacity for personal growth and success in their chosen field. However, segments of the population, most notably the transgender people community, are systematically excluded from these opportunities. This study examines their participation in employment, a vital yet often overlooked issue.
Transgender people have historically faced economic, political and social exclusion, not due to inherent traits but because of systemic discrimination, lack of institutional support and societal prejudice. Rejection forces many into survival strategies such as sex work, begging or informal labour, activities not chosen freely, but imposed by structural barriers like non-acceptance and marginalization.
Education, a key social institution, often fails transgender people. Harassment and exclusion result in high dropout rates, denying them formal employment pathways (Harvey, 2001). Even those who complete their education struggle to secure jobs due to stigma. Despite global discussions on Lesbian Gay Bisexual and transgender people queer (LGBTQ) rights, meaningful social acceptance and justice remain limited (Marks, 2006). The absence of stable, legal employment avenues perpetuates poverty and pushes many into high-risk, informal activities. A lack of family and institutional safety nets, including tailored government aid and rehabilitation programs, exacerbates this cycle. Further, inaction and societal neglect often criminalize poverty and overlook hate crimes against the transgender people community. Rejection, discrimination and victimization are consistent barriers, depriving transgender people of employability skills (Bartholomaeus and Riggs, 2017).
Addressing these systemic barriers requires coordinated efforts by government, civil society and communities to challenge prejudice, promote inclusivity and ensure no one is left behind.
While several Indian studies have explored discrimination against transgender people, few have systematically examined the link between employability skills, unemployment and social consequences such as begging or antisocial activities. Globally, research has primarily focused on stigma, workplace inclusion or gender identity rights, often in Western contexts. By conducting a factor analysis of employability skills and unemployed outcomes within Tamil Nadu, this study uniquely integrates skill-based analysis with social consequences, offering a theoretical and empirical bridge between workforce exclusion and marginalized survival strategies.
2. Literature review
2.1 Employability skills- personality skills
Basic employability skills, including personality traits, are crucial in securing decent employment. Numerous studies have examined the accessibility of these skills across different societal groups. In the case of the transgender people community, it is essential to explore the systemic denial of access to such employability requirements.
Despite possessing core employment skills, such as communication, decision-making and problem-solving transgender people face workplace challenges that limit their access to decent jobs. While career development generally integrates cultural background and individual attributes (Lau et al., 2021), for transgender people, positive cultural and personal traits are often overshadowed by societal prejudice, which significantly shapes their career prospects.
Achieving career satisfaction is a common goal and studies highlight that occupational self-efficacy mediates the link between job satisfaction, performance and career calling. However, transgender people encounter substantial barriers to attaining such self-efficacy. Employability is positively influenced by dispositional beliefs, such as optimism and career exploration yet access to these pathways remains restricted for the transgender people. Even where companies promote inclusion and diversity, the depth of genuine inclusion is often questionable.
Research indicates that self-efficacy mediates the relationship between career management competence and career social support, with greater social support enhancing decision-making and career management skills (Wang and Jiao, 2023). Understanding the relationship between personality traits and career success is vital for organisational performance and career development (Wille et al., 2023), as is the need to integrate cultural background and individual attributes into career development initiatives (Lau et al., 2021).
Further, job insecurity moderates the relationship between perceived employability and employment outcomes, highlighting its significance as a factor in employability models. There are practical implications for entrepreneurs and policymakers regarding the role of personal traits and support measures in promoting social entrepreneurship (Aure et al., 2019). This underscores the importance of examining how employability traits operate for transgender people, who, despite possessing such skills, often face systemic barriers that may limit their practical effect. This directly informs the research question on whether employability skills mitigate or exacerbate unemployment outcomes for this group.
2.2 Work readiness
Work readiness is a critical factor in employability, closely linked to an individual's psychological, emotional, mental and physical preparedness for employment. It reflects the attitude, attributes and competencies required not only to secure a job but to succeed and grow in one's career (Lau et al., 2021). Career flexibility is also a key indicator of employability, as individuals increasingly prioritize roles that allow self-expression and satisfaction (Lau et al., 2021).
Work readiness comprises three core components: (1) work competence, (2) personal characteristics and attributes and (3) social intelligence. These enable individuals to contribute effectively with minimal supervision. Academic qualifications alone do not guarantee employment, especially in competitive markets where candidates possess similar credentials; readiness to work often becomes the decisive factor. Readiness entails work ethics, interpersonal skills, clear goals, optimism, adaptability, decision-making abilities and cultural fit (Lau et al., 2021).
Recruiters highly value work readiness, often placing it above formal qualifications. Psychological traits such as self-drive, resilience and a proactive mindset are essential for career exploration, job attainment and retention (Chen et al., 2022). Notably, studies suggest men demonstrate higher work readiness in leadership, social abilities and emotional intelligence compared to women (Ismail et al., 2020), while adaptability and self-reliance further enhance career development.
Key employability traits also include leadership, creativity, energy, self-efficacy and problem-solving with risk propensity (Chell and Athayde, 2009). Social and emotional intelligence, combined with resilience, significantly correlates with employability, enabling individuals to navigate workplace challenges and uncertainties (Luo et al., 2022).
Work readiness factors strongly influence employment chances, this study investigates how far these readiness indicators predict outcomes in the transgender people community, thereby connecting individual traits to broader social marginalization.
2.3 Technical skills
Technical skills and innovative characteristics are critical determinants of long-term career growth. Innovative traits must be integral to career programs and interventions aimed at enhancing employability (Shabbir et al., 2022). Studies highlight the fact that proper education and training are essential to cultivate a skilled, innovative workforce, crucial for national development (Sa-Nguanmanasak and Khampirat, 2019). In today's dynamic job market, monotonous skill sets are insufficient; individuals must proactively develop innovative capacities to remain competitive (Ishar et al., 2020).
Graduates often struggle with unemployment due to a lack of innovation and creative competencies, despite formal qualifications (Massetor et al., 2021). Employers prioritize candidates with leadership, creativity, forward-thinking and risk propensity (Chell and Athayde, 2009; Mansour, 2021). Studies confirm the positive relationship between innovative characteristics and both employability and entrepreneurship skills (Altınışık et al., 2023).
While some findings indicate that men outperform women in leadership and risk-related traits (Gupta et al., 2025; Lim, 2019), other studies report no significant gender differences in innovation or self-efficacy (Abdullah et al., 2020). Vocational self-concept, comprising self-knowledge, values and interests strongly influences employability, guiding effective career decisions (Wikansari, 2017).
Employability is further enhanced by transferable skills such as critical thinking, communication, teamwork and problem-solving (Tripp et al., 2020). Project-based learning (PBL) and service learning promote these attributes, fostering adaptability, innovation and social responsibility (McDonald and Ogden-Barnes, 2013).
Graduates must be equipped to navigate evolving political, social, cultural and economic landscapes, contributing to equitable and sustainable societies (Jelonek and Urbaniec, 2019). Interdisciplinary collaboration further strengthens these competencies, supporting both personal and professional development (Chan et al., 2021). Finally, research calls for enhanced training for academic staff to effectively guide students in acquiring these critical skills (Wenham et al., 2020). Such comprehensive preparation is key to ensuring graduates can meet future market challenges.
2.4 Unemployed outcomes
Theft, robbery and assaults are majorly experienced by individuals who are homeless and living on the roads and streets. The key characteristics like drug abuse, mental illness and alcohol consumption has increased the risk of being a victim (Ellsworth, 2019). It has been reported that in major European countries, the outcome of poverty has led to criminalisation. It is most commonly found in administrative provisions of law and ordinance which pushes the homeless and poverty driven people to be punished directly or indirectly (Stuart, 2014).
According to certain research violence and feeling of intimidation is the reason for hate crimes. They are mechanism of operation and power that control the maintenance of the established social order (Perry, 2001). However, the hate-crimes victims are targeted not just to reinforce the social structure but also they are perceived to be vulnerable and considered easy to become victims.
The vulnerable homeless who often engage with risky behaviour, socially experience this to a greater extent. The perpetrators maybe from a socially disadvantage background or situation that triggers them to get into such risky societal behaviour (Chakraborti and Garland, 2012). This highlights the experiences of not just the victims but the vulnerable group who need approaches that are inclusive of the victim's perspective while analysing crime studies (Chakraborti and Garland, 2012).
2.5 Violence
Violence is a key outcome of societal hate and unemployment, manifesting across political, social, familial and psychological dimensions. Political violence threatens democratic foundations and public welfare, directly or indirectly harming populations (Jamali et al., 2000; Leatherman and Thomas, 2009; Pedersen, 2002). Gender-based violence (GBV), a critical form of violence, varies in pattern and context but consistently reflects high victimisation rates.
GBV inflicts sexual, physical and psychological harm, often through coercion, deprivation of liberty and life-threatening acts, in both private and public settings (True, 2020). Despite widespread discourse on gender equality, GBV remains one of the most pervasive human rights violations globally, occurring in homes, streets, workplaces, educational institutions and during humanitarian crises (World Health Organization and World Health Organization Staff, 2013). Its prevalence intensifies in conflict zones, where breakdowns of protective institutions and displacement fuel opportunistic violence (Fisseha et al., 2023; Manjoo and McRaith, 2011).
Perpetrators often include intimate partners, relatives and occasionally strangers. A meta-analysis across 14 countries identified GBV prevalence against women at 21.4% (Vu et al., 2014). The consequences of GBV are profound, contributing to lifelong mental and physical health issues, including depression, anxiety, PTSD and suicidal ideation (Wirtz et al., 2021).
Research shows that social network size and structure correlate with engagement in violence, with weak social ties linked to susceptibility to extremist ideologies and violent behaviour. Identification with antisocial groups further increases the risk of violence (Littman and Paluck, 2015).
2.6 Harassment
At the organisational level, equity and diversity are fundamental in understanding bullying and harassment. Discrimination and mistreatment disproportionately affect minority groups, with students from these groups often experiencing less positive learning environments, resulting in psychological distress and impaired performance (Perry, 2001).
Academic institutions have historically relied on policies to address harassment and discrimination in educational and workplace settings. Such policies are crucial in tackling racial disparities and fostering a more inclusive culture through clear procedures for reporting and addressing complaints. Notably, medical learners report higher rates of discrimination and harassment compared to other professions. Discussions on harassment and discrimination are shaped by discourses that both reflect and sustain power structures, determining what is legitimised. Power operates through these discourses, influenced by social, political and economic contexts.
2.7 Begging
Poverty, often driven by discrimination based on caste, status and gender identity, disproportionately affects minority groups, leading to social challenges such as begging (Forwanti and Setiawan, 2022). While political structures aim to address these issues through policies and rehabilitation efforts, much remains to be done to benefit the homeless and those who beg on the streets (Merlindha and Hati, 2015). Public policy theory helps assess whether existing policies achieve their intended goals. Beyond government action, community participation is essential to strengthen policies and ensure they meet societal needs (Tambaip et al., 2023). Community support, public officials and the environment collectively shape policy implementation for addressing homelessness and begging (Mirwad, 2023). Poverty reflects a deprivation of capabilities limiting access to resources needed for a dignified life which can push individuals toward unethical or desperate actions (Syawaluddin, 2017).
Social welfare theory underscores the government's role in protecting vulnerable populations by ensuring access to housing, healthcare, education and employment (Regif et al., 2023). Policies and programs focus on prevention, sustainability and rehabilitation (Kesuma and Zul, 2014). Social services address begging through training, shelter provision and reintegration efforts. A key challenge lies in reshaping mindsets, encouraging participation in rehabilitation rather than dependence on alms.
3. Theoretical framework of the study
3.1 Theoretical background
This article applies the Structural Integration Theory, which shows how organizational systems often fail to integrate marginalized identities meaningfully and Attribution Theory (Fiske and Taylor, 2020), to explain how stereotypes about competence and suitability undermine fair employment practices for transgender people. Furthermore, the Self-Esteem Theory (Festinger, 1954) offers a lens to understand how repeated rejection and systemic exclusion erode personal confidence and mental well-being, leading vulnerable individuals toward social marginalization.
4. Need for the study
The study of employment discrimination against educated transgender people addresses a critical gap in both academic literature and social policy. Despite significant advances in educational attainment within the transgender people community, there exists a stark disconnect between their qualifications and employment opportunities. This research is necessary for several compelling reasons.
Despite holding degrees and professional qualifications, transgender people face disproportionate rates of unemployment and underemployment. There is also limited systematic research examining the specific mechanisms of discrimination in hiring processes, workplace integration and career advancement. However, the intersection of education and employment discrimination requires thorough investigation to identify intervention points as shown in Figure 1.
The diagram starts on the left with three boxes arranged vertically, labeled from top to bottom as “Personality skills”, “Technical Skills”, and “Work Readiness”. In the center, a box is labeled “Employability Skills”. Three individual left arrows from “Employability Skills” point to the three boxes on the left. A right arrow from “Employability Skills” points to a horizontally arranged box labeled “Unemployed Outcomes”. “Unemployed Outcomes” points to two vertically arranged boxes on the right, labeled from top to bottom as “Activities (Violence, Harassment)” and “Begging”.Theoretical framework. Source: By authors
The diagram starts on the left with three boxes arranged vertically, labeled from top to bottom as “Personality skills”, “Technical Skills”, and “Work Readiness”. In the center, a box is labeled “Employability Skills”. Three individual left arrows from “Employability Skills” point to the three boxes on the left. A right arrow from “Employability Skills” points to a horizontally arranged box labeled “Unemployed Outcomes”. “Unemployed Outcomes” points to two vertically arranged boxes on the right, labeled from top to bottom as “Activities (Violence, Harassment)” and “Begging”.Theoretical framework. Source: By authors
Economically, the cost of excluding qualified transgender people professionals from the workforce needs quantification. The loss of productivity and human capital affect both individual and societal economic well-being, therefore an understanding of economic consequences can help build business cases for inclusive hiring practices.
4.1 Profile of the study population
Worldwide, it is observed that the country with the highest count of transgender people population is United States which carries almost 10,00,000 individuals who identify themselves as transgender people (World population review, 2024). However, this is an estimation. There is no definitive study or survey that has been made which determines a single country which has been home for the most transgender people in the world. It is also possible to make a realistic hypothesis with logic. It is also advocated that either India or China must carry the most people around the world has they are the two most populous countries in the world. In a survey that was conducted in 2021 with 27 countries around the world that are LGBTQ friendly, Sweden and Germany tied as the countries with the highest count of people who are transgender people. According to the results approximately 3% of all the residence of Sweden or Germany identify themselves as transgender people. Among the countries, India's population world-wide is accounted to be less than 1% (world population review).
4.2 India
It is reported that India's census of 2011 was one of the first census in the history to include and incorporate the number of transgender people population in the country. It is estimated that 4.8 lakh Indians identified themselves as transgender people. It is observed that Uttar Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh hold to be the home for maximum number of individuals who are transgender people in the country as of 2011 according to Census. (Indian Census Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, socio-economic and caste Census 2011).
4.3 Tamil Nadu
Tamil Nadu is considered to be the pioneer in introducing welfare policies for the transgender people community within the state. The state government has instructed the Madras High Court in ensuring that these policies get in action. According to the state government and the welfare board 22,364 transgender people are identified throughout the state out of which 9,000 members of the transgender people community are identified and given identity cards by the state government (Times of India 2024).
4.4 Primary objectives
Assess the current employability status:
To analyse the current employability status of transgender people in Tamil Nadu. This includes assessing their educational backgrounds, skills, job market participation and employment outcomes.
To assess the relationship between the employability skills and unemployed outcomes.
5. Methodology
This study employs a descriptive research design using both quantitative and qualitative approaches to provide a comprehensive understanding of transgender people employability in Tamil Nadu. Quantitative data will be gathered through structured surveys covering education, employment history, income and experiences of discrimination, while qualitative interviews will explore personal challenges and perceptions in depth. Convenience sampling will ensure diversity among transgender people participants in terms of age, identity, location and background, with purposeful inclusion of employers and advocacy group representatives. The study draws on the Gender Minority Stress Theory (Testa et al., 2015) to examine barriers to employability. Psychological outcomes of unemployment will be analysed using Colaizzi's method (Polit and Beck, 2010), while employability skills and stigma are assessed through Navarro et al.’s (2019) LGBT identity scale and Rigotti et al.'s (2008) Occupational Self-Efficacy Scale. Reviews by Artess et al. (2017) and Dalrymple et al. (2021) inform the evaluation of employability outcomes.
6. Analysis and interpretation
The data highlight significant socio-economic challenges faced by transgender people (Refer Table 1). The majority (71.6%) are aged 20–39, indicating this group's active societal engagement, while youth (<19 years, 3.5%) and elderly (>60 years, 0.5%) are underrepresented likely reflecting inadequate support systems for these age groups. Most identify as transgender people women (90.3%), with transgender people men comprising 8.4%.
Descriptives of the respondent population
| Items | Number | Percent |
|---|---|---|
| Age | ||
| Below 19 | 21 | 3.5 |
| 20–39 | 434 | 71.6 |
| 40–59 | 148 | 24.4 |
| Above 60 | 3 | 0.5 |
| Gender identity | ||
| Transgender people women | 547 | 90.3 |
| Transgender people men | 51 | 8.4 |
| Others | 8 | 1.3 |
| Total | 606 | 100.0 |
| Education | ||
| Less than high school | 139 | 22.9 |
| High school or equivalent | 290 | 47.9 |
| College discontinued | 53 | 8.7 |
| Bachelor degree | 97 | 16.0 |
| Master degree | 25 | 4.1 |
| MPhil | 2 | 0.3 |
| Employment | ||
| Full time employed | 54 | 8.9 |
| Part time employed | 23 | 3.8 |
| Seeking for job opportunities | 223 | 36.8 |
| Unemployed | 306 | 50.5 |
| Annual income | ||
| 3–5 lakh per annum | 20 | 3.3 |
| 6–7 lakh per annum | 5 | 0.8 |
| More than 8 lakh per annum | 2 | 0.3 |
| No of years tried for the job | ||
| 0–5 | 523 | 86.3 |
| 6–10 | 72 | 11.9 |
| More than 10 | 11 | 1.8 |
| Number of jobs rejected due to gender | ||
| 0–5 | 551 | 90.9 |
| 6–10 | 40 | 6.6 |
| More than 10 times | 11 | 1.8 |
| Total | 606 | 100.0 |
Educational attainment remains a concern: 22.9% have less than a high school education and while 47.9% completed high school, only 16% hold a bachelor's degree and 4.1% a master. Very few (0.3%) reached the MPhil level, pointing to systemic barriers in accessing higher education, likely driven by discrimination and economic hardship.
Employment data reveal stark economic marginalisation: 50.5% are unemployed and 36.8% actively seek jobs. Only 12.7% hold full-time or part-time jobs, reflecting persistent exclusion from stable employment. Income patterns mirror this: 96% earn under 2 LPA annually, with very few surpassing 3 LPA, highlighting deep financial vulnerability.
Job search data reinforce these struggles. Most (0–5 years searching) face early or ongoing unemployment, while a smaller group (6–10+ years) reflects entrenched barriers to work. Gender-based discrimination in hiring is evident: 90.9% reported up to five job rejections, while a minority experienced repeated rejections, showing the enduring impact of bias.
These findings underscore the structural inequities faced by transgender people, linking economic instability, limited education and discrimination and highlight the urgent need for inclusive policies and targeted interventions.
6.1 Employability skills
Kaiser–Meyer–Olkin (KMO) test measures to be 0.908 (very high), this indicates that the sample size is adequate for conducting factor analysis. The factor analysis reveals three distinct dimensions under the factor “Employability”, namely, personality skills, technical skills and work readiness. There is a high degree of association between variables and factors. Bartlett's test of Sphericity measures <0.001. This extremely low p-value (<0.001) suggests that the variables are significantly correlated and factor analysis is appropriate. Variables with loadings >0.5 are considered to be significant, thus this indicates that each variable contributes meaningfully to its respective factor as shown in Table 2. The output clearly differentiates the three skills namely technical, personality and work readiness (Lau et al., 2021).
Dimensions of employability skills
| KMO and Bartlett's test | ||
|---|---|---|
| Kaiser–Meyer–Olkin measure of sampling adequacy | 0.908 | |
| Bartlett's test of sphericity | Approx. chi-square | 3416.732 |
| df | 210 | |
| Sig. | <0.001 | |
| Rotated component matrix | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Personality skills | Technical skills | Work readiness | |
| E34 | 0.709 | ||
| E35 | 0.709 | ||
| E33 | 0.695 | ||
| E25 | 0.652 | ||
| E27 | 0.606 | ||
| E32 | 0.561 | ||
| E24 | 0.530 | ||
| E26 | 0.526 | ||
| E20 | 0.749 | ||
| E21 | 0.695 | ||
| E2 | 0.634 | ||
| E19 | 0.609 | ||
| E1 | 0.584 | ||
| E29 | 0.583 | ||
| E30 | 0.522 | ||
| E18 | 0.518 | ||
| E4 | 0.514 | ||
| E9 | 0.729 | ||
| E10 | 0.649 | ||
| E15 | 0.492 | ||
| E11 | 0.491 | ||
6.2 Societal impact of unemployed transgender people
The KMO test measures to be 0.923. This indicates an extremely strong sampling adequacy and very high inter-correlations between variables. The factor analysis reveals two distinct dimensions under the factor “unemployed outcomes – social”, namely, anti-social activities and begging (Merlindha and Hati, 2015). There is high degree of association between variables and factors. Bartlett's test of Sphericity measures <0.001 (Table 3). This extremely low p-value (<0.001) suggests that the variables are significantly correlated and factor analysis is appropriate. The readings suggest that unemployment might correlate with increased risk of problematic social behaviours.
Dimensions of unemployed outcomes
| KMO and Bartlett's test | ||
|---|---|---|
| Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin measure of sampling adequacy | 0.923 | |
| Bartlett's test of sphericity | Approx. chi-square | 2365.667 |
| df | 105 | |
| Sig. | <0.001 | |
| Rotated component matrix | ||
|---|---|---|
| Antisocial actvities | Begging | |
| UO14 | 0.674 | |
| UO4 | 0.630 | |
| UO9 | 0.629 | |
| UO6 | 0.628 | |
| UO16 | 0.612 | |
| UO18 | 0.610 | |
| UO5 | 0.598 | |
| UO10 | 0.589 | |
| UO15 | 0.583 | |
| UO17 | 0.556 | |
| UO3 | 0.536 | |
| UO7 | 0.512 | |
| UO12 | 0.791 | |
| UO13 | 0.607 | |
| UO8 | 0.471 | |
The poor model fit indices (high RMSEA, significant chi-square) suggest that employability skills and unemployment outcomes cannot be fully explained by the measured variables alone. Theoretically, this aligns with the Structural Integration Theory, which posits that organizational and societal exclusionary mechanisms dilute the effect of individual skills. The weaker association of sociocultural dynamics also reflects Attribution Theory, where stereotypes about competence outweigh personal traits in employment decisions. This reinforces the argument that technical readiness alone cannot overcome systemic exclusion.
6.3 Employability and unemployed social outcomes
Hypotheses: There is significant relationship between employability skills (ES) of transgender people and their unemployed social outcomes (USO).
The analysis of factor loadings and model fit indices offers key insights into the structural model's strengths and limitations. The latent variable F1 shows a strong, significant positive relationship with F2 (unstandardized estimate = 2.917, C.R. = 5.063, p < 0.001; standardized estimate = 0.984). Within F1, individual belief is the strongest indicator (standardized estimate = 0.694, p < 0.001), while sociocultural dynamics, set as the reference, shows a weaker link (0.286). For F2, antisocial activities (ASA) (reference indicator) demonstrates a very strong association (0.937), with begging (BEG) also significant (0.587, p < 0.001).
Despite these meaningful relationships, model fit indices indicate poor overall fit. The significant chi-square (CMIN = 24.166, DF = 1, p < 0.001), high CMIN/DF (24.166) and elevated RMSEA (0.196) highlight substantial misfit, despite a strong GFI (0.981) and low RMR (0.023) as shown in Figure 2. To improve fit, the model may require addressing misspecifications, refining or removing weak indicators like sociocultural dynamics and adding relevant paths or variables for a more accurate representation of the latent constructs.
A circle on the left labeled “E S” connects to a horizontally arranged circle labeled “U S O.” with a right arrow with a path coefficient of 0.87. The value 0;42 is written above “E S.” On the left of “E S,” three boxes are arranged vertically, labeled from top to bottom as “P S,” “T S,” and “W R.” Individual left arrows from “E S” connects to these boxes, with path coefficient as follows: The left arrow with a path coefficient of 1.05 points from “E S” to “P S.” The left arrow with a path coefficient of 0.42 points from “E S” to “T S.” The left arrow with a path coefficient of 1.00 points from “E S” to “W R.” On the left of each box, a corresponding labeled circle is shown. Each circle points to its corresponding rectangle with a left arrow labeled with the path coefficient. The labels of the circles and the path coefficients are as follows: The first circle labeled “e 3” with a value of 0.15 points to “P S” with a path coefficient of 1. The second circle labeled “e 2” with a value of 0.42 points to “T S” with a path coefficient of 1. The third circle labeled “e 1” with a value of 0.32points to “W R” with a path coefficient of 1. On the right of “U S O,” two boxes are arranged vertically, labeled from top to bottom as “A S A” and “B E G.” Individual right arrows from “U S O” connect to these boxes, with path coefficients as follows: The right arrow with a path coefficient of 1.00 points from “U S O” to “A S A.” The right arrow with a path coefficient of 0.58 points from “U S O” to “B E G.” On the right of each box, a corresponding labeled circle is shown. Each circle points to its corresponding rectangle with a right arrow labeled with the path coefficient. The labels of the circles and the path coefficients are as follows: The first circle labeled “e 4” with a value of 0.06 points to “B E G” with a path coefficient of 1. The second circle labeled “e 5” with a value of 0.27 points to “B E G” with a path coefficient of 1. A circle labeled “e 6” with a value of 0.17 is shown on the top right od “U S O” and points to the “U S O” circle with a path coefficient of 1.Impact of employability skills on unemployed social outcomes. Source: By authors
A circle on the left labeled “E S” connects to a horizontally arranged circle labeled “U S O.” with a right arrow with a path coefficient of 0.87. The value 0;42 is written above “E S.” On the left of “E S,” three boxes are arranged vertically, labeled from top to bottom as “P S,” “T S,” and “W R.” Individual left arrows from “E S” connects to these boxes, with path coefficient as follows: The left arrow with a path coefficient of 1.05 points from “E S” to “P S.” The left arrow with a path coefficient of 0.42 points from “E S” to “T S.” The left arrow with a path coefficient of 1.00 points from “E S” to “W R.” On the left of each box, a corresponding labeled circle is shown. Each circle points to its corresponding rectangle with a left arrow labeled with the path coefficient. The labels of the circles and the path coefficients are as follows: The first circle labeled “e 3” with a value of 0.15 points to “P S” with a path coefficient of 1. The second circle labeled “e 2” with a value of 0.42 points to “T S” with a path coefficient of 1. The third circle labeled “e 1” with a value of 0.32points to “W R” with a path coefficient of 1. On the right of “U S O,” two boxes are arranged vertically, labeled from top to bottom as “A S A” and “B E G.” Individual right arrows from “U S O” connect to these boxes, with path coefficients as follows: The right arrow with a path coefficient of 1.00 points from “U S O” to “A S A.” The right arrow with a path coefficient of 0.58 points from “U S O” to “B E G.” On the right of each box, a corresponding labeled circle is shown. Each circle points to its corresponding rectangle with a right arrow labeled with the path coefficient. The labels of the circles and the path coefficients are as follows: The first circle labeled “e 4” with a value of 0.06 points to “B E G” with a path coefficient of 1. The second circle labeled “e 5” with a value of 0.27 points to “B E G” with a path coefficient of 1. A circle labeled “e 6” with a value of 0.17 is shown on the top right od “U S O” and points to the “U S O” circle with a path coefficient of 1.Impact of employability skills on unemployed social outcomes. Source: By authors
Interpretation:
It is observed from the chart (Figure 3) that as employability index moves forward in upward direction, there is a correlated movement with the unemployed outcomes curve as well. This indicates that the outcomes of being unemployed which involves violence, begging, sexual work, harassment, robbery and more, grow as unemployment grows. There is a positive relationship between the two variables. The fact that the Employability Index and Unemployed outcomes lines have a similar overall shape suggests that there is a relationship between these two factors, with changes in employability potentially driving changes in unemployment.
The line graph is titled “Employability Index and Unemployed outcomes.” The vertical axis ranges from 0 to 400 in increments of 100. The horizontal axis is labeled with numbers from 1 to 5 in increments of 1. There are two lines on the graph. The legend at the bottom indicates that the blue line represents “Employability Index” and the orange line represents “Unemployed outcomes.” The line for “Employability Index” starts at (1,0), stays constant at (2, 0), increases to (3, 127), and continues to (4, 288). The line then dips to end at (5, 185). The line for “Unemployed outcomes” starts at (1, 2), slightly increases to (2, 13), continues to increase to (3, 124), (4, 330), and dips to end at (5, 131).Relationship between employability index and unemployed outcomes. Source: By authors
The line graph is titled “Employability Index and Unemployed outcomes.” The vertical axis ranges from 0 to 400 in increments of 100. The horizontal axis is labeled with numbers from 1 to 5 in increments of 1. There are two lines on the graph. The legend at the bottom indicates that the blue line represents “Employability Index” and the orange line represents “Unemployed outcomes.” The line for “Employability Index” starts at (1,0), stays constant at (2, 0), increases to (3, 127), and continues to (4, 288). The line then dips to end at (5, 185). The line for “Unemployed outcomes” starts at (1, 2), slightly increases to (2, 13), continues to increase to (3, 124), (4, 330), and dips to end at (5, 131).Relationship between employability index and unemployed outcomes. Source: By authors
7. Findings and suggestions
This study provides supporting facts and statements that proves the topic with arguments stating that the society is breeding anti-social elements through its stereotypical and vicious cycle of stigma. There exist and all-pervasive loop where the educated yet unemployed individuals in the society transform into Anti-Social elements in the society through their engagement in Anti-Social activities, not because of choice but by existential crisis and compulsion.
The marginalization of transgender people is not a consequence of their identity but of societal prejudice and systemic exclusion. The activities that are often labelled as anti-social are survival mechanisms born out of desperation and a lack of alternatives. Addressing this issue requires a holistic approach that tackles the root causes of marginalization and creates pathways for inclusion, dignity and empowerment. By recognizing and addressing the structural barriers faced by transgender people, societies can break the cycle of exclusion and create a world where everyone, regardless of their gender identity, has the opportunity to thrive.
This requires collective action from governments, civil society and individuals to challenge prejudices, implement inclusive policies and ensure that no one is left behind. The study demonstrates that discrimination manifests not merely in hiring practices but permeates throughout workplace cultures, promotion pathways and professional development opportunities. This systemic exclusion carries profound implications beyond individual career trajectories it represents a significant loss of human capital for organizations and the broader economy, while simultaneously pushing qualified professionals toward economic vulnerability.
The study presents strong evidence that the societal treatment of transgender people, primarily driven by stereotypes and stigma, is playing a central role in breeding anti-social elements. By perpetuating negative perceptions and discriminatory practices, society is not only marginalizing transgender people but is also indirectly fostering an environment where these individuals, in turn, are often pushed toward anti-social behaviours as a means of survival or as a reaction to exclusion. Below are key arguments and supporting facts from the study that demonstrate how the stigmatization and stereotyping of transgender people create a vicious cycle of social alienation and economic disenfranchisement, leading to the development of anti-social behaviour.
8. Limitations
While this study offers valuable insights into the employability challenges and social outcomes of transgender people in Tamil Nadu, several limitations must be acknowledged. The findings are region-specific and may not be directly generalizable across India. Tamil Nadu has historically been a pioneer in introducing welfare schemes and legal recognition for transgender people, which may create conditions different from other states. For instance, states with weaker institutional support, limited policy enforcement or stronger cultural taboos may present even harsher barriers to employability.
The cultural and regional variations such as caste dynamics, religious influences and varying degrees of urbanization play a crucial role in shaping transgender people experiences. The intersection of caste and gender identity, for example, may further marginalize individuals in northern and central India, whereas in metropolitan regions such as Mumbai or Delhi, greater visibility may coexist with heightened discrimination in different forms. These regional nuances mean that the results should be interpreted with caution when attempting to generalize them across India's diverse socio-cultural landscape.
The study focused primarily on urban and semi-urban contexts in Tamil Nadu, limiting the representation of rural transgender people. Rural communities often lack awareness programs, organizational support and policy implementation mechanisms, which may exacerbate exclusion and force even higher dependency on informal or survival economies. Future comparative research across multiple states and both rural and urban contexts is necessary to fully capture the heterogeneity of transgender people experiences in India.
9. Implications
Creating transgender people-specific professional development programs is essential for fostering inclusive educational and workplace environments. These initiatives help transgender people build skills, confidence and awareness of their rights, enabling them to navigate challenges, report discrimination and advocate for fair treatment. Discrimination and systemic barriers not only limit transgender people’ career opportunities but also waste talent, reduce productivity and hinder economic growth. When skilled transgender people workers are pushed into low-wage jobs or excluded from the workforce, businesses and the broader economy miss out on innovation, efficiency and diversity-driven performance. Addressing these issues is crucial for reducing inequality, strengthening workplaces and ensuring sustainable economic progress.
10. Discussions and suggestions
Stigma and discrimination against transgender people fuel mental health challenges such as anxiety, depression and suicidal ideation, while constant prejudice and rejection lead to isolation, withdrawal and strained family and social ties. This exclusion prevents transgender people from fully participating in society, deepening marginalization and limiting opportunities for connection and belonging. Improving employability is key to breaking this cycle promoting economic self-sufficiency, reducing reliance on welfare and boosting overall growth. With inclusive policies, legal protections and greater public awareness, states like Tamil Nadu can lead the way in advancing transgender people rights and building a more equitable, accepting society.
11. Research findings and its outcomes
This study highlights the urgent need to address the employability challenges faced by transgender people, advancing social justice, equality and inclusion. By exposing workplace discrimination, it calls for a shift toward a society that respects human rights and dignity, where everyone could work and thrive based on merit. Better integration of transgender people into the workforce not only promotes economic growth and self-sufficiency but also reduces reliance on social welfare systems. Inclusive workplaces benefit from diversity, innovation and stronger organizational culture, while reducing employment barriers improves mental health, lowers healthcare costs and fosters a healthier, more engaged population. The study provides evidence-based guidance for policymakers to strengthen legal protections, combat discrimination and build supportive, equitable workplaces. It also plays a vital role in raising public awareness, reducing stigma and encouraging societal acceptance. Ultimately, the findings emphasize the pressing need for robust anti-discrimination laws that ensure equal rights for transgender people in all aspects of employment, promoting a fairer and more inclusive society.
12. Conclusion
This study demonstrates that the employability of transgender people is undermined not by lack of skills but by persistent societal stigma. Although factor analysis identified personality, technical and work readiness as distinct and significant components of employability, their translation into stable employment remains obstructed. Importantly, weaker loadings such as sociocultural dynamics and the poor model fit indices indicate that additional, unmeasured barriers – such as entrenched prejudice, lack of legal enforcement and limited social support – play a decisive role in blocking workforce participation.
The findings also reveal that anti-social outcomes such as begging, harassment and sex work are not mere reflections of unemployment but are structured by exclusionary environments that strip individuals of dignified choices. Thus, while employability indices rise, unemployment outcomes still parallel them, underscoring the futility of skills without societal acceptance.
These insights point to the urgent need for holistic reforms: combining professional skill-building with structural interventions like anti-discrimination laws, workplace sensitization and welfare support. Only then can society bridge the gap between education and employment for transgender people, prevent the reinforcement of anti-social cycles and unlock their full potential as contributors to economic and social development.
