The Relationship between Motivational Orientation & Educational Aspirations in Urban, African American Youth Free

Cultural studies on academic achievement have presented compelling evidence on the cultural context of academic achievement (Bempechat, Graham, & Jimenez, 1999; Chen, Stevenson, Hayward, & Burgess, 1995; Steinberg, Dornbusch, & Brown, 1992). Specific to African American students, young children exhibit greater eagerness and enthusiasm for education than older students. By early adolescence, however, their enthusiasm for education begins to decline and their actual academic achievements and aspirations resemble less of their parents’ values, expectations, and beliefs about education and their children’s skills and abilities (Chen et al.; Mau & Bikos, 2000). Yet, African American students tend to be optimistic about themselves and their futures regardless of low or marginal academic performance (Chen et al.). A plausible explanation for the students’ optimism points to their perceptions of academic success: African American students see less of a connection between academic performance, their selfworth, and career success than other students.

Enrollment of African American students in higher education increased over the 20-year period between 1980 and 2000 (Hoffman, Llagas, & Snyder, 2003). Only 28% of African American high school graduates entered high education in 1980, compared to 39% in 2000. Yet when the educational aspirations of African American eighth grade and high school students are compared to actual postsecondary enrollment, aspirations far exceed the realities of enrollment and graduation rates (Fox, Connolly, & Synder, 2005; Ingels et al., 2002). Voluminous research on academic achievement in African American youth has attempted to answer the questions of what causes the disconnection between aspirations and achievement and why. The answers to these questions are complex. Collectively, the results point to the multiplicity of contributing risk and promotive factors (Bailey & Boykin, 2001; Banks, McQuater, & Sonne, 1995; Gutman, Sameroff, & Eccles, 2002; Honora, 2002; Kaplan & Maehr, 1999; Steinberg et al., 1992). One factor that appears to be consistent is the changes in African American students during their early adolescent years.

Early adolescence, the middle school years, marks a critical period of development for African American students (Stevenson, Chen, & Uttal; 1990). Students experience changes in their school engagement, motivational orientation, ethnic identity, and familial and social relationships (Quintana, 1998; Warner & Phelps, 2007, in press). These changes occur against the backdrop of the normal physiological, cognitive, and emotional development of puberty and the sociocultural dynamics of urban life. Yet, remarkably, research points to students’ high desire and stability of their educational aspirations (Fox et al., 2005; Ingels et al., 2002; Trice, 1991; Warner & Phelps, in press). These educational aspirations, showing little to no relationship with academic ability, may reflect “unwarranted optimism” (Steinberg et al., 1992, p. 726) of youth, especially when considering the declining academic performance and changing motivational orientation (Howard, 2003; Unrau & Schlackman, 2000; Wahl & Blackhurst, 2000). However, over the long term, optimism, self-perceptions, and positive familial relationships greatly enhance the achievement levels of adolescents (Assor & Connell, 1992; Honora, 2002; Stewart, 2006).

Contemporary learning theories have redefined motivational orientation as fluid and malleable across situations, grade levels, school subjects, culture, and perceptions of achievement and success (Bempechat et al., 1999; Harter, Whitesell, & Kowalski, 1992; Lepper, Corpus, & Iyenger, 2005; Warner & Phelps, 2007; Wong, Wiest, & Cusick, 2002). One contemporary learning theory, the selfdetermination theory (SDT) (Deci, Vallerand, Pelletier, & Ryan, 1991; Lepper et al., 2005; Ryan & Deci, 2000), links motivation and learning directly to individual “psychological” rewards. According to SDT, optimal learning occurs when behaviors reinforced externally are internalized by the learners and reinforced by psychological rewards of competence, relatedness, or autonomy (see Deci et al.; Ryan & Deci). Thus, the learner’s drive to learn (motivation) shifts from reliance on external reinforcement (extrinsic motivation) to more self-directed or self-regulated reinforcement (intrinsic motivation).

Aspirations reflect students’ hopes. They are “snapshots” of students’ preferences and_expectations for the future. Aspirations exist along a continuum between dreams and reality. There are many factors affecting students’ aspirations, including developmental, financial, and educational factors and resources (refer to Bobo, Hildreth, & Durodoye, 1998; Hellenga, Aber, & Rhodes, 2002; Mau & Bikos, 2000; Walh & Blackhurst, 2000). When one’s expectations and wishes are mismatched with realities, an “aspiration-expectation gap” exists (Hellenga et al., p. 201). This gap tends to be wider in younger students and narrow in older students. Maturation, education, career information, socioeconomic status, and available resources contribute to the narrowing of the “aspiration-expectation gap” in our youth.

This study examines the relationship between motivational orientation and students’ educational aspirations in urban African American youth. This study assumes the following information specific to African American students: (a) Enthusiasm and school engagement decline as they progress through K-12 grades; (b) positive self-worth and optimism about their future are evident regardless of academic performance; (c) career and educational aspirations remain constant even with declining academic interest and performance; and (4) less intrinsically motivated than students from other racial groups, yet perceive themselves as autonomous, competent students. Thus, this study addresses the following research questions: (1) Is motivational orientation negatively correlated with educational aspirations in an urban sample of African American middle school (sixth, seventh, and eighth grades) students? and (2) What factors most influence students’ educational aspirations for postsecondary education?

The sample included 198 African American students (55 sixth-, 60 seventh-, and 83 eighth-graders) enrolled in six urban, public elementary schools in a large Midwestern city. At least 87% of the schools’ total populations participated in subsidized lunch programs. Five schools were located in predominantly African American neighborhoods, reporting at least 99% of their student body as African American. The remaining school, located in a racial minority nonAfrican American community, reported 18.5% of their students as African or from African descent. Fifty-seven percent of the students were female. Students’ average ages were 11.89 for sixth-graders, 12.82 for seventh-graders, and 13.78 for the eighth-graders.

The researchers were referred to the district superintendents and principals of several elementary schools within African American communities regarding participation in this study. Principals of six schools agreed to participate in this study. We followed the principals’ recommendations and schools’ regular procedures for securing parental consent. Half of the schools used passive consent, requesting parental signature to decline participation, and the remaining schools required parental signature for participation. Classroom teachers distributed letters and consent forms describing the study and collected signed consent forms from their students. For the schools using passive consent, 92% of the targeted students participated in the study; whereas, only 10% of the targeted students from schools using active consent participated. Data collection occurred late in the spring term, following spring break and standardized testing and within two months of summer break. Students completed a survey that consisted of three assessment instruments and a demographic questionnaire. Proctors were utilized in the data collection to control for variability in students’ reading skills and to assist students in completing the survey within the allotted time.

The Intrinsic versus Extrinsic Orientation in the Classroom Scale (Harter, 1980) is a 30-item, two-domain instrument that measures a child’s motivational orientation in the classroom environment. The instrument includes five subscales. Three subscales measure the directionality of motivation: (a) Preference for Challenge (PC) refers to a student’s preference for challenging or easier work; (b) Curiosity/Interest (CI) assesses the extent to which a student learns based upon his or her own interests versus the desire to satisfy the teacher and receive good grades; and (c) Independent Mastery (IM) refers to a student’s preference to figure out solutions to problems or to seek assistance from teachers. The remaining subscales measure students’ reported sense of academic competence: Independent Judgment (IJ) assesses whether a student tends to be self-directed in knowing what to do academically or primarily relies on teachers’ directions; and Internal Criteria (IC) assesses a student’s capacity for evaluating his or her academic performance without the need for external feedback from others. The overall scale was deemed reliable among diverse samples from New York, California, and Colorado. The Kuder-Richardson Formula 20 reliability coefficients are .78 to .84 (PC), .68 to .82 (IM), .70 to .78 (CI), .72 to .81 (IJ), and .75 to .83 (IC) (Harter, 1980). Scores range from 1.00 to 4.00, with a mean score of 2.5 for each subscale. Scores falling along the mean indicate the malleability of students’ motivational orientation (Harter et al., 1992). Higher scores indicate more intrinsically-motivated students; whereas, lower scores represent a tendency toward extrinsic motivation.

The survey included a brief, researcher-developed demographic questionnaire used to gather information on participants’ ethnic self-identification labels, age, gender, grade level, self-reported overall grades ,and their mothers’ and fathers’ educational levels. Students also responded to the question, “Do you want to graduate from–––?”, by marking the highest level of desired education from the following list: “High School”, “Trade School or Apprenticeship”, “Associate degree”, “Bachelor degree”, “Graduate or Professional degree (e.g., physician, lawyer, etc)”. This type of question is commonly used in assessing students’ educational aspirations (Hellenga et al., 2002). These data were coded as nominal data for statistical analysis.

Independent variables included school, gender, and grade levels. The dependent variables included the motivational orientation subscales, educational aspirations, and parental educational levels. Only half of the schools (n = 3) had enough students to create subgroups for comparative analyses. These schools and grade levels were dummy coded to examine (a) “School 1 compared to Schools 2 and 3” and “School 3 compared to Schools 1 and 2” and (b) “sixthgraders compared to seventh- and eighth-graders” and “eighth-graders compared to sixth- and seventh-graders”. Educational levels (parents’ and students’ aspirations) were collapsed into two categories — “Bachelor degree or higher” and “Less than bachelor degree”. Mean subscales scores were computed for The Intrinsic versus Extrinsic Orientation in the Classroom Scale domains and subscales. Individual mean scores were converted into three levels: “Intrinsic” (scores greater than 1 SD above the means), “Flexible” (scores falling within ±1 SD of the means), and “Extrinsic” (scores lower than 1 SD below the means).

All students indicated a desire to complete high school with the following educational aspirations: 17% completing less than a bachelor degree and 82% completing a bachelor degree or higher. Table 1 shows the domains and individual subscales means, standard deviations, and frequency percentages of each level. With the exception of the CI subscales, the domains and subscales mean distributions were negatively skewed. Bivariate correlation analysis indicated a significantly positive relationship (r = .17, p < .05) between the motivation and competence domains. The domains shared less than 3% of the variance, indicating they assessed different constructs.

The researchers used one-tailed correlational analyses to answer the first research question hypothesizing a negative correlation between motivational orientation and educational aspirations by examining the relationship between (a) the motivation domains and educational aspirations and (b) individual motivational orientation subscales and educational aspirations. The results yielded a significantly positive correlation between the motivation domain and educational aspirations (r = .17, p = .01), but not for the competence domain and educational aspirations (r = .01, ns). A closer look at the relationship between the motivation domain subscales and educational aspirations revealed significantly positive correlations for CI (r = .12, p = .05) and IM (r = .24, p = .00). Since the directionality of the significant correlation was positive for the motivational domain and two of the motivation subscales, the analysis failed to support the hypothesis of a negative relationship between the two constructs. Thus, the null hypothesis for Research Question 1 was retained.

Logistic regression analysis was used to determine factors significantly related to educational aspirations (the second research question). The criterion variable included students desiring a bachelor degree or higher. The predictive variables were sex, grade levels, schools, and the five motivational orientation subscales. School variables were removed from the model because the variables were “constant for all selected cases.” The results revealed a significant regression model for the educational aspirations of a bachelor degree or higher (%2 (8) = 25.31, p = .001, R2 = .12), identifying sex (fi = -1.25, p = .004) and Independent Mastery (fi = 1.17, p = .005) as the significant predictive factors. Chi square analysis on the sex factor indicated a significantly greater number of females desired postsecondary degrees than their male classmates (/ 2(2) = 11.68, p < .01). A closer examination of the data revealed equivalent ratios of both sexes desiring bachelor degrees; however, 67% of students desiring graduate or professional degrees were females. A second logistic regression model found a significant model for educational aspirations of graduate or professional degrees (/2 (8) = 16.27, p = .04, R2 = .08). Interestingly, sex was the sole significant predictor (fi = -.84, p = .007) for this model. From these results, we rejected the null hypothesis due to the significant beta for the Independent Mastery subscale in the first regression model. See Table 2 for information on the regression models.

In conclusion, the results revealed mean scores on the motivational domains and subscales fell slightly higher (with the exception of CI) than the 2.5 mean score indicated by Harter (1980), characterizing the sample as possessing, in general, more malleable motivational orientation. The higher mean scores, reflecting more of an intrinsic motivation, significantly correlated with students’ higher educational aspirations. More specifically, the valuable conclusion from the analysis is the positive effects of students’ curiosity and self-mastery in learning to their desire for higher educational achievements.

The middle school years are critical in both the academic and personal development of African American students. African American students are unique because regardless of academic performance they perceive themselves positively and hold optimistic views about their futures and career success. Academic performance appears to lack a relationship with African American students’ future aspirations (Davis et al., 2003; Wahl & Blackhurst, 2000; Zimmerman, Caldwell, & Bernat, 2002). A logical hypothesis would suggest a negative correlation between motivational orientation and educational aspirations, which explains the pairing of declining enthusiasm for school and optimistic outlook in African American youth.

This study tested the hypothesis in a sample of urban African American students enrolled in sixth, seventh, and eighth grades. Five schools were predominantly African American schools located in African American neighborhoods. However, the African American students from the sixth school were the numerical minority in an educational setting located in a non-African American, racial minority neighborhood. The study also attempted to determine the critical variables contributing to students’ educational aspirations. Overall, the analyses failed to support our hypothesis. However, the results showed evidence of a positive correlation between the directionality of motivation and educational aspirations. In other words, extrinsically motivated students would not desire higher levels of education; whereas, intrinsically motivated students would desire higher levels of education regardless of their academic performance.

Most research on African American academic achievement portrays African American students, especially middle and high school students, as “at-risk”, low performing, and extrinisically-motivated students. This study’s findings contradict this characterization of African American students. National educational data show an increase in African American high school graduates entering colleges and university (39% in 2000 as compared to 28% in 1980) (Hoffman et al., 2003). A growing area of research focuses on the academic success of African American students (Davis et al., 2003; Gutman et al., 2002; Stewart, 2006; Zimmerman et al., 2002). This line of research has revealed several significant predictors of academic achievement in this population, two of which emerged from this study’s findings: student motivation and sex differences. Interestingly, Stewart’s path analysis on African American academic achievement using a national education database revealed 8th grade achievement was a critical factor in predicting twelfth grade achievement. Thus, in light of this discovery, our findings suggest the importance of self-directed motivation and educational goals on the long-term academic success of African American students.

Approximately 70% of the students in this study reported flexible or more malleable motivation orientation. These students’ motivational orientation and educational aspirations hinged on how well they internalized and took ownership of their learning. The positive correlations between the Curiosity/Interest and Independent Mastery subscales and the educational aspirations indicated the importance of an innate desire for learning and a sense of mastery in students. This discovery underscores the tenets of SDT: Students become intrinsically-motivated through self-regulated behaviors because learning is linked and reinforced by psychological rewards rather than to external rewards.

Other studies (Davis et al., 2003; Howard, 2003; Wahl & Blackhurst, 2000; Zimmerman et al., 2002) have identified general selfworth, academic intentionality, and external support as critical factors in African American students’ educational aspirations. Our analysis supported these contentions showing the importance of pursuing academic mastery for students and its contribution to educational aspirations. The positive beta coefficient indicates students who reported scores on Independent Mastery were more likely to endorse higher levels of educational aspirations. Another contributing variable in the regression equations was sex. This variable coexisted with the mastery variable for those who desire bachelor or higher degrees. When graduate or professional degrees were isolated in a separate equation, the analysis revealed sex as the sole significant factor for those students aspiring to higher levels of education. These results reflect the United States’ national trend in education: African American female students outnumber African American male students in postsecondary enrollment and completion of bachelor degrees (Hoffman et al., 2003). Davis and colleagues (2003) identified differences between African American female and male high school students. Specific differences noted were their perceptions and attitudes toward school and their academic efficaciousness. They stated “[female students] reported stronger intentions to complete the school year… more favorable attitudes toward school, higher levels of social support for completing the school year, and greater perceived control over their ability to complete the school year.higher levels of academic self-efficacy. completing the school year was more important to their sense of self than boys.” (Davis et al., p. 2320). However, the researchers noted African American male students’ positive attitudes about school were critical in the short-term. It was a significant predictor in male students completing the school year.

Although independent mastery as an element of motivational orientation emerged as a significant, yet weak, factor in the educational aspirations regression model, it is too early for us to conclude that it is inconsequential to the academic future of urban African American youth. Our analyses supported its positive relationship with educational aspirations, even though they shared little variance. Researchers agree there are multiple and interactive effects of many risk and promotive factors contributing to the motivation, learning, and academic success of African American students. Yet, the harsh realities and practicalities of educating African American youth and the plight of their futures (especially African American males) cannot and should not wait for definitive answers. Motivational orientation is dynamic and flexible, as evident by the fact that two-thirds of the participants’ motivation scores fell within one standard deviation of the means. Less than 20% of participants’ scores indicated motivational orientation as either extrinsic or intrinsic. The middle school years offer a “window of opportunity” for helping students develop and capitalize on the psychological rewards that lead to the self-regulating behaviors in learning and increase their chances of realizing their educational aspirations.

This study was designed to explore within-group differences among a homogeneous sample of African American students. The results should be viewed with caution. Variability in educational settings and practices, familial and neighborhood socioeconomic levels, geographical locations, and other cultural variables were not controlled in the study and could affect results in replicated studies. While the research literature has emphasized multidimensionality of African American students’ academic achievement, this study explored only two aspects, motivational orientation and educational aspirations. Lastly, data collection occurred after spring break and standardized testing and within two months of summer break. The timing of data collection could have affected student responses. Student responses may differ if data collection occurred during the fall semester.

The middle school years are a challenge for many students, especially African American students. Yet, the challenge appears to be less about academic performance than about the internal changes experienced by African American youth. Motivational orientation is dynamic and flexible. It is connected to students’ educational aspirations, and intrinsically-motivated youth are more likely to hold aspirations for higher attainment of education than extrinsically- motivated youth. Thus, the formula for helping African American middle school students remain academically motivated is to assist them in building a solid internal infrastructure through (a) the psychological rewards of competence, relatedness, and autonomy identified by SDT (see Deci et al., 1991; Ryan & Deci, 2000); (b) development of students’ academic intentionality through alignment with family, peer, and community identities and values, and postsecondary and career information; and (c) development of students’ perceived academic competence (Howard, 2003; Davis et al., 2003).

The middle school years are characterized as a transitional period in students’ academic and personal growth and development. Students’ experiences during these years have a greater chance of following them throughout their academic career. There is strong evidence that achievements in middle school are highly related to achievements later in high school (Stewart, 2006). However, these years need not be deterministic and fatalistic for African American students. Grades and test scores alone are poor indicators of students’ academic engagement and their future success. Students tend to inflate their grades and embellish positive self-attributes on academic self-reports (see Zimmerman et al., 2002). However, students who perceived themselves more academically competent than reflected in their actual grades were more likely to improve their grades to align them with their academic perceptions within a few years (Assor & Connell, 1992).

Ryan and Deci (2000) believed the educational system fails to create learning environments conducive to intrinsic motivation or selfregulated behaviors. Howard’s (2003) qualitative study with African American high school students echoes Ryan’s and Deci’s assertion by emphasizing the voices of a few students on the subject of academic identity and their visions about postsecondary education. Students in Ryan’s and Deci’s study identified important variables for their academic development and success: (a) People who believe in them, (b) opportunities to take AP or college-prep courses regardless of academic record and consideration of college options, (c) redefining achievement to include out-of-class and non-academic tasks and activities, (d) opportunities for dialogues about race, racism, and group identity, and (e) access to “culturally and racially proficient educators” (p. 15). The collective voices of these students are a poignant message for educators, school counselors, and parents. For their message identifies elements that could also be critical in promoting academic identity and achievement in African American students during the middle school years.