Supervision and the more-than-human: the role of spirituality in women’s doctoral education

Globally, doctoral education pedagogies and policies have predominantly been shaped by secular frameworks that marginalise spirituality, ancestral traditions and religious beliefs and practices (Montelongo and Lenzy, 2023). Such secular rationality is rooted in Western philosophies, which emphasise the Cartesian division between mind and body and uphold a strong commitment to secularism (Góźdź, 2022). Within this modernist Western and Northern paradigm, the primary aim of doctoral education is to cultivate a disembodied intellect that privileges reason, rationality, individualism and autonomy (Johnson et al., 2000). Johnson et al. (2000) highlighted that Enlightenment conceptions of the autonomous, masculine doctoral scholar rejected emotions, embodiment and human dependency, attributes historically associated with femininity.

Recently, feminist and poststructuralist critiques of the exclusion of the body have challenged the enduring influence of European Enlightenment legacies in doctoral education (Cover, 2023). Scholars increasingly emphasise the significance of emotion and irrationality within doctoral education (Waters et al., 2020). For instance, Herman (2010) used her own doctoral experience to advocate for greater acknowledgment of emotions in research and to contest the artificial separation between cognition and emotion in doctoral studies. Aitchison and Mowbray (2013) examined the emotional labour experienced by women doctoral candidates, particularly in academic writing and managing family relationships. Burford (2017, p. 24) conceptualised doctoral education as an “affective-political practice”, examining the influence of affect and irrationality and using queer theory to explore “affective agency” and the embodied experience of thinking-feeling.

In this paper, we investigate the role of more-than-human elements, with a particular emphasis on spirituality, in doctoral education. We review key arguments in the literature concerning spirituality in doctoral education. The analysis then extends existing understandings by illustrating how spiritual rituals and beliefs influence the doctoral experiences of women of colour in South Africa, Kenya and Australia. It is important to point out that this study is part of a larger research project exploring the intersectional experiences of black, First Nations and transcultural women in these countries. The focus on women reflects the composition of the research team, which included black, First Nations, transcultural and white women who have either experienced or observed the distinct and intersecting challenges faced by women doctoral students in balancing family, work and academic responsibilities, challenges less commonly encountered by men (Mirick and Wladkowski, 2020). Future research will address the experiences of men of colour. Using an intersectional theoretical framework and an interview-based qualitative methodology, the study finds that more-than-human spirituality provides strength and resilience for women candidates and graduates as they navigate the epistemological and ontological demands of doctoral work alongside multiple roles as mothers, partners and workers (Richards, 2019).The paper proceeds through a literature review, methodology, five thematic findings, discussion and conclusions.

The term “more-than-human” denotes presences, forces and relationships that extend beyond human-to-human interactions. David Abram (1996) introduced this concept to articulate the interconnectedness of human existence with a broader world of beings, energies and relations. Education scholars, including Rosiek et al. (2024) and Dowling et al. (2017), have expanded this framework to challenge anthropocentric assumptions prevalent in knowledge production and learning. Within the context of this study, the more-than-human encompasses ancestors, faith, prayer, land and community memory embodied by doctoral candidates throughout their academic journey. This perspective aligns with the African philosophy of Ubuntu, which maintains that individual existence and experiences are shaped by the spiritual world and the wisdom of ancestors (Mugumbate and Naami, 2024; Ikpeh and Federico Awi, 2025). Thus, the concept of “more-than-human spirituality” in doctoral education aims to acknowledge these presences, which are often overlooked by conventional supervision models.

An expanding body of research on spirituality in doctoral education is beginning to recognise these invisible presences (Nattress, 2015). This shift reflects a broader understanding that candidates’ meaning-making, well-being and scholarly identity are often rooted in more-than-human relationality (Hanley and Sant, 2025). Spirituality is conceptualised as a complex construct involving the soul, transcendence and relational consciousness, characterised by a meaningful connection with significant others and the wider universe (Pandya, 2021). For many doctoral candidates, this more-than-human consciousness encompasses ancestral presences and other non-human kin, providing grounding and continuity during periods of displacement and disorientation (Pater, 2024).

Pandya’s (2021) research, for example, demonstrates that spiritual rituals and creative practices operate as stabilising mechanisms that help migrants sustain coherence and belonging. Such rituals function not merely as personal coping but as a relational scaffold for doctoral candidates’ engagement with their research.

Several doctoral theses have documented the supportive role of spirituality for women candidates, identifying it as a stabilising source of strength, identity, community and belonging (Richards, 2019; Bell, 2025). This role is particularly emphasised in research with women of colour, who draw on spiritual practices to sustain motivation and resist isolation (Parker et al., 2024). In these contexts, spirituality operates not as a peripheral influence but as a relational and epistemic resource supporting the doctoral journey (Bufford et al., 2018). Additional research, such as that by Sun and Trent (2020), maps the intellectual, social, emotional and spiritual dimensions of the doctoral journey and demonstrates how candidates reconstruct their scholarly identities in interactive ways. Studies conducted in Türkiye similarly illustrate the intertwined economic and spiritual support provided by family networks as candidates navigate the demands of doctoral study (Gunbey and Karakütük, 2024).

Doctoral education often under-recognises the significance of ancestors, spirituality and more-than-human relationality in shaping postgraduate researchers’ experiences (Wiradyuri et al., 2024). Manathunga (2023) documented numerous accounts of Indigenous (First Nations) and transcultural doctoral scholars who access ancestral knowledge through rituals, dreams and spiritual practices. These practices guide both their research and their broader sense of purpose. Manathunga (2023) urged doctoral education leaders and policymakers to recognise candidates’ spiritual support needs and to provide access to elders, traditional knowledge holders, chaplains, religious leaders, counsellors or spiritual community groups.

Other research indicates that Māori doctoral candidates in Aotearoa New Zealand describe how their tūpuna (ancestors) support the integration of ancestral knowledge within their research (Grant and McKinley, 2011). Devos and Somerville (2012) recounted the experience of a Cambodian doctoral scholar in Australia who relied on memory to transcribe and translate her grandmother’s memoir, documenting her experiences as a member of the Cambodian Royal Family killed during the Pol Pot regime. These accounts demonstrate that ancestral presence is not merely metaphorical but constitutes a lived epistemological relationship that many candidates draw upon during periods of uncertainty, transition and scholarly development (Wehrheim, 2023).

The literature is increasingly recognising the emotional and social dimensions of doctoral life (Cotterall, 2013). However, far less attention has been given to more-than-human spiritual dimensions that shape doctoral journeys (Morton, 2020). Existing work on women’s doctoral experiences offers important insights (Richards, 2019; Bell, 2025; Grimes et al., 2023), but it is drawn mainly from contexts such as Australia, Aotearoa New Zealand, Türkiye and the USA, with notably limited engagement with African doctoral experiences. Many research gaps remain, including how doctoral candidates draw on ancestors, spiritual practices and more-than-human relationality to sustain coherence, agency and meaning across demanding doctoral journeys. This study, therefore, asks:

This study is grounded in feminist and postcolonial methodologies that address the layered complexity of participants’ doctoral trajectories. A feminist methodological stance affirms participants’ narratives, lived experiences and positionality as legitimate forms of knowledge, challenging androcentric conventions that continue to structure doctoral research (Spitzer and Haley, 2023). A postcolonial orientation facilitates a critical examination of how Eurocentric knowledge regimes and ongoing neo-colonial pressures influence doctoral education (Mbembe, 2016; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2013). In addition, Crenshaw’s (1989) intersectional lens is used to analyse how participants’ experiences arise from the interplay of race, gender, culture and geopolitical location, rather than from any single axis of identity. This methodological framing enables an analysis attentive to both the structural conditions that constrain women’s doctoral journeys and the forms of agency enacted within and against these conditions.

The research project used a multi-sited case study approach (Audet and d‘Amboise, 2001) to leverage rich, narrative-driven methodologies to record and analyse the lived experiences of black, First Nations and transcultural women in three. Jenkins et al. (2018) explained that multisite qualitative case studies enhance the transferability and credibility of findings by allowing for cross-site comparisons while preserving the unique contextual insights of each site. This approach enabled the research to foreground both the commonalities and divergences in participants’ experiences across varied socio-political and institutional landscapes (Jenkins et al., 2018).

The research design is underpinned by the recognition that doctoral experiences are shaped not only by academic and institutional practices but also by gendered, racialised and cultural positionings. Central to the design is a vision for doctoral supervision and support that encompasses both visible and hidden curricula (Elliot et al., 2020). The study foregrounds the significance of transcultural epistemologies, Indigenous knowledge systems rooted in spirituality and more-than-human relations (Manathunga, 2023; Santos, 2014, 2018; Nakata, 2010).

Data were collected through in-depth semi-structured interviews with women currently enrolled in, or recently graduated (within five years) from, doctoral studies. These interviews were designed to elicit detailed life stories, challenges and support systems encountered throughout the doctoral journey. Purposive sampling was used to recruit participants who identified as black, First Nation or transcultural women and who were currently enrolled in or had recently completed their doctoral studies.

The exclusive focus on women was guided by a commitment to foregrounding the experiences of those most historically marginalised within doctoral education (Spitzer and Haley, 2023). Gender influences not only how doctoral candidates experience spirituality but also the specific forms of burden, expectation and epistemic exclusion encountered within academic institutions. Forty-seven participants were interviewed across three countries: South Africa (19 black doctoral candidates and graduates, including African, Coloured and Indian); Kenya (12 women from diverse ethnic backgrounds); and Australia (4 First Nations women and 12 transcultural women). Participants were recruited from a range of institutional types, including research-intensive and comprehensive universities in South Africa and Australia (Keane et al., 2023). Initial participants were identified through professional networks and institutional contacts in each country, with subsequent participants recruited via snowball sampling (Creswell, 2013). In Australia, two First Nations research team members identified and contacted relevant potential participants (Smith et al., 2023).

The study adhered to ethical guidelines in all three countries, including respect for Indigenous knowledge protocols, informed consent, confidentiality and cultural sensitivity (Keane et al., 2023). Pseudonyms are used in this paper to protect participants’ identities. Given the potentially emotional nature of the data, support options were offered to participants. Data were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006). Transcript coding was conducted collaboratively by the research team. Initial codes were generated from the data, then shared and discussed among team members. Cross-national joint coding sessions facilitated the development, refinement and consolidation of themes. This iterative, team-based coding process enhanced the analytical rigour of the study and enabled within-study comparison (Forbay and Mnguni, 2024). The findings presented in this paper emerged from this collective analytical process.

We acknowledge the complexities inherent in conducting transnational research across diverse contexts. Throughout the study, we engaged in continuous reflexivity, critically examining how our positionalities influenced both the research process and its interpretation. Particular attention was devoted to power dynamics present in cross-cultural interviews and the representation of knowledge. Regular team debriefings facilitated critical reflection on how our nationality, race and academic positions shaped each stage of the study (Thambinathan and Kinsella, 2021). To address these dynamics, we implemented a semi-structured, dialogic interview approach, enabling participants to direct the conversation towards issues they deemed significant (Kvale, 2007). We maintained transparency regarding our research objectives and procedures (Jacobs et al., 2019). In reporting our findings, we prioritised participants’ own words and metaphors to authentically represent their lived experiences (Smith, 2021). Decolonial principles informed our research design and analysis at multiple levels (Thambinathan and Kinsella, 2021). For instance, interview questions were crafted to affirm participants’ spiritual and cultural knowledge systems, rather than to interrogate them (Smith, 2021). We acknowledge, however, that this study was not conceived as an Indigenist research project (Thambinathan and Kinsella, 2021; Washington, 2023) and that participants were not included as co-authors or co-analysts. We identify Indigenist co-designed research as a critical direction for future inquiry in this field (Campbell-Chudoba, 2024).

This section presents findings on how black, First Nations and transcultural women in South Africa, Kenya and Australia experienced spirituality during their doctoral studies. Spirituality emerged as a complex theme across all three national contexts, serving many students as a critical motivation and survival strategy. These students described prayer, faith, spiritual congregations and support of spiritual communities not merely as individual beliefs, but as vital sources of knowledge, care and support. Australian Indigenous students also emphasised how connection to Country and to Indigenous communities also served as important spiritual sources of strength. It is noted, however, for one transcultural woman, performing religious and cultural rituals in the first year after her marriage, delayed her further studies. In other cases, some participants moved beyond organised religion to wider practices of feminist epistemic orientations and ethical grounding.

In each of the three settings, participants spoke about prayer and faith as fundamental avenues of emotional and spiritual support amidst academic precarity and personal dislocation. For many participants, prayer was not separate from their doctoral studies but intertwined with it as an everyday survival and motivational practice.

Kali and Nancy from Kenya illustrated how prayer helped them manage stress during their PhD journey. Their narratives indicated that prayer was framed as a practice that helped them deal with their emotional states, transforming anxiety into a sense of divine assurance. Kali reflected:

Her comment highlights how prayer was not passive but an active strategy for managing uncertainty, particularly during academic moments like presentations. Kali further explained how spirituality helped her balance multiple responsibilities:

Nancy expanded on this by describing prayer as an intervention in her academic work: “Sometimes I pray about a challenge in my academic work […] It’s hard to explain, but it works […] It’s a very real and important part of our journeys”. Nancy’s comment suggests that for some participants, spirituality operated beyond the boundaries of conventional academic support systems, providing solutions that were perceived as divinely orchestrated.

In South Africa, Teresia, Fortunate and Winnet also highlighted the role of prayer in supporting them during challenging moments. Teresia noted, “I always prayed to God to give me the strength […] sometimes I cried to Him because I felt alone, but I knew I had to keep going”. Fortunate added, “You are going into a boxing match – That’s how I’m trying to look at the PhD […] But it’s just your faith that tells you, just go to make it”. Winnet also indicated:

Their words emphasise that spirituality functioned as a psychological anchor, providing motivation and resilience during periods of intense academic pressure.

Meanwhile, two transcultural participants in Australia highlighted how prayer helped them navigate difficult periods as international students. Both accounts illustrate how spirituality and prayer functioned as essential sources of emotional resilience, providing participants with a sense of peace and strength. Elina recalled, “In terms of my study, my religion gives me peace […] I’m a Christian and I worship, it really gives me peace and helped me to get through my difficult times”.

Elina also explained how her religious belief serves as a mechanism for resistance during her PhD journey:

Her reflection illustrates how faith functioned as a protective force, enabling her to resist external pressures and maintain focus on her scholarly and personal priorities.

Priscilla reflected on a particular challenging period during her doctoral journey:

Narratives from seven participants across three countries demonstrate how prayer and faith served as both emotional regulators and enabling factors in their doctoral studies. Further evidence indicates that participants saw prayer and faith not only as religious practices but also as embodied practices and emotional strategies for managing academic stress and uncertainty.

Many participants drew upon spiritual resources that transcended formal religious doctrines, particularly through culturally hybrid practices that wove together personal devotion, cultural and communal rituals and connection to Country. These syncretic spiritualities often offered more nuanced support than institutional religions could.

In Kenya, Rose acknowledged “There’s something I think they don’t acknowledge in Christian beliefs […] spirituality, things that people do”. She suggests a lived spirituality exceeding doctrinal boundaries, where everyday rituals sustain academic resilience. Vanessa from South Africa highlighted the integration of gender and spirituality in navigating her doctoral journey: “I also saw myself as a female […] being emotional and all of that also had that strength to carry on”. Her spiritual identity became a resource for navigating both academic challenges and gendered expectations. Prama, a transcultural participant in Australia with a Nepalese background, described how participating in religious and cultural festivals reinforced both spiritual and social connections:

Her narrative illustrates how cultural and religious festivals can serve as both spiritual grounding and social support, even for those who do not consistently identify with formal religious practice. This aligns with broader trends in Australia, where the proportion of people identifying outside traditional religious institutions is increasing, particularly among younger cohorts, with many instead describing themselves as holding spiritual beliefs without adhering to an organised religion (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2022).

For Indigenous Australian participant, Alice, cultural-spiritual practices were deeply embedded in identity and connection to Country. Alice highlighted that spending time on Country played a significant and embodied role during her PhD journey, serving as a source of spiritual coping and strength: “Going and spending time on Country – feeling strong in culture is the most probably grounding thing that’s probably going to get me through”. She also described the importance of collective cultural-spiritual practices: “We light a big fire and have a corroboree ^[1]. We all sit around and we […] also just go for walks – we go walking on Country together”.

Her reflection illustrates how faith in cultural identity and connection to Country functioned as a profound source of resilience, providing grounding and spiritual support in navigating challenges. This also aligns with the previous research showing that other more-than-human guides from Country, including trees, wind, animals and other natural entities, often hold greater significance than human guidance (McKnight, 2016).

The isolation of doctoral study was frequently mitigated through spiritual communities that provided both emotional sustenance and assistance, often filling gaps left by formal academic structures. These networks became lifelines, offering support that extended beyond conventional academic advising or institutional resources.

Two participants from Kenya highlighted the positive roles of religious communities and familial spiritual bonds in encouraging them during their PhD journeys. Rose explained, “My church community was very supportive – [that’s] what has kept me determined”. Awinja suggested, “Sometimes we feel like giving up – [that’s when] you may need to go to your pastor”.

At the same time, South African narratives revealed intensive forms of communal care. For example, Ntombi recounted how her church members intervened during a COVID-19 infection: “Three colleagues from church […] when I fell sick in 2020 it was really bad because it was when COVID was at its peak. They helped me quarantine for safety”.

Ntombi’s account demonstrates how spiritual communities actively safeguarded both health and academic progress, creating a support system that simultaneously addressed bodily and intellectual needs. In addition, Gugu highlighted another dimension of this support through her pastor’s role: “My pastor was very supportive. He believed in this journey more than anyone else, even more than my husband”. Here, the pastor as a spiritual authority figure provided validation that sometimes surpassed familial encouragement.

Carolina’s experience added a cross-cultural dimension: “I found a group of Nigerian sisters who surrounded me in prayers […] the prayers of those ladies that surrounded me and God really just […] saw me through”. For international students such as Carolina, spiritually grounded communities functioned as culturally familiar anchors in foreign academic environments, easing the dislocation of studying abroad. She further reflected:

Vatiswa described how her church community provided connections and role models:

This spiritual connection provided Vatiswa with a form of academic scaffolding, blending emotional reassurance with practical preparation.

Similarly, the Indigenous Australian participants in this study highlighted the spiritual significance of community, describing it as a source of inspiration and a sacred responsibility that supported and motivated them as they navigated their doctoral journeys. Caitlyn reflected: “It’s just I feel so inspired by my community […] That’s how it’s shaped where I’m at so far”.

For Caitlyn, this inspiration became a form of spiritual responsibility, shaping her research and reaffirming her role as a conduit for community knowledge and care. Cherie also articulates this connection:

For many Indigenous and transcultural participants in this study, spirituality was not separate from academic life but integral to it, embodied in community gatherings, women’s movements and cultural practices. Alice noted: “Rebuilding and reconnecting with my Ngarabal mob has probably been […] something inside me that is really helping me feel strong in myself, so I would say culture and community”.

Echoing Vatiwa from Kenya, three Indigenous participants emphasised the spiritual dimension of role models within their communities. They not only drew inspiration from existing Elders and leaders but also felt called to serve as role models for the next generation. Caitlyn shared:

Alice added, “it’s because of the Elder Scholar and how we have Uncle [X] and this culture really is grounded in the Institute, so I feel really safe and supported”. She concluded her interview by reflecting:

Irene also emphasised the power of role models as part of a spiritual legacy that she hopes to extend: “I’ve had a few strong women around me who have been very supportive – a lot of the Elders are very helpful”.

Rebecca, a transcultural participant, further stressed the importance of representation in her community:

For Prama, another transcultural participant in Australia, spirituality facilitated both emotional and practical support, creating a safe space for her. She explained:

These narratives illustrate what Manathunga (2023) theorises as “supervisory constellations”, reframed here through a spiritual lens. These networks offered a sense of belonging and validation that many participants lacked in their supervisory relationships, emphasising the need to reimagine supervision as distributed, relational and spiritually attuned. Furthermore, participants’ accounts suggest a broader ecology of supervision, where spiritual and communal relationships function alongside or in place of formal institutional structures, reflecting what Manathunga (2023) describes as “spiritual ecologies” of supervision.

For many participants, doctoral research was not simply an academic pursuit but also a spiritual epistemic calling. Their spiritual, cultural and gender identities shaped their research questions and the feminist ethical commitments that guided them. Spirituality served as both an epistemic and moral compass, providing participants with the courage to pursue work they found meaningful.

Anita and Ruby, both transcultural participants in Australia, illustrated how religious belief and curiosity shaped their epistemic orientations. Anita drew on Buddhist philosophy as a subtle yet meaningful lens through which to approach her research: “I’m a Buddhist – I would use some of the philosophical perspective and viewpoint to understand some of my research topic emphasis”. Ruby explained how her doctoral inquiry was motivated by a desire to challenge stereotypes and deepen cultural and religious understanding: “My curiosity drove me to investigate religion – It sort of really helped me understand and have a better appreciation for the reasons behind certain cultural beliefs and religious beliefs”.

Other transcultural participants in Australia explained how their cultural values and community beliefs shaped the fields of study they chose to pursue. Rebecca reflected: “I know that one of the reasons that I got involved in education in the first place was for young migrant girls. To show them that this is possible”. Anu emphasised: “Education is really very important in my culture – We value knowledge and learning”.

For the Indigenous Australian participants in this study, spirituality was deeply entangled with cultural identity and belief and for most, it was central to their motivation to pursue research. Caitlyn expressed how her identity as a Nyoongar woman guided every aspect of her academic life:

Alice emphasised how affirming her identity as an Aboriginal Ngarabal woman reshaped her doctoral journey:

Irene underscored her responsibility: “Indigeneity and gender is a huge thing […]. I want the next generation to feel comfortable in their own skin, to feel that their culture is important and it’s respected”. Cherie added that belief and cultural advocacy were inseparable from academic orientation: “It comes down to that avocation and also that belief, and then you can progress”.

In addition, spirituality also shaped participants’ personal ethics and values. Cherie highlighted the ethical responsibilities that accompany her identity and role as an Indigenous woman, guiding her conduct within academic contexts:

These reflections affirm spirituality as an epistemic framework that is not private or individual but rather deeply embodied and collectively situated. The reflection supports Santos’s (2014) concept of epistemologies of the South and the assertion that doctoral knowledge is often forged through spiritual, moral and relational labour.

There was, however, one counterpoint instance in these data that is important to acknowledge briefly. This instance occurred when religious and cultural rituals delayed the further study of a Nepalese student. Prama talked about the various “other responsibilities, other rituals and rites that I need to do within a year of my marriage”. She married after completing her undergraduate study and was focused on “being at home and tending to the household chores […] There was a whole other level of relationships and engagement after my marriage that I needed to take care of”. Having completed these cultural rituals, Prama and her husband then began planning to study in Australia.

The findings indicate that, for the women of colour in this study, spirituality constituted an essential component of their doctoral journey, functioning as a critical and more-than-human form of support that shaped their experiences. This perspective challenges the dominant secular-rational model of doctoral education, which is grounded in the Cartesian mind-body dualism and the Enlightenment ideal of the autonomous “Man of Reason” (Hopwood and Paulson, 2011; Johnson et al., 2000). The participants’ narratives align with feminist, postcolonial and transpersonal perspectives, which conceptualise doctoral education as an embodied, affective and deeply relational process (Burford, 2017; Hartelius et al., 2007).

The use of prayer and faith (Theme #1), as described by participants such as Kali, Teresia and Elina, illustrates that spirituality functioned as an embodied coping strategy rather than a separate belief system. Prayer was integrated into their daily routines, enabling them to demonstrate agency in managing “emotional overload and emotional dissonance” (Aitchison and Mowbray, 2013, p. 868). This spiritual practice aligns with Hussain et al.’s (2025, p. 212) identification of spirituality as “an organic aspect of the scholarly journey”, representing a form of resilience that supports candidates throughout the challenges of doctoral study. These findings support Herman’s (2010) argument for recognising the role of emotions in research and their impact on student progress. For participants such as Kali and Elina, prayer served as an active method of emotional regulation, transforming anxiety into “divine assurance” and fostering a “sense of peace”. This process exemplifies what Ahmed (2012) describes as affective survival, or the capacity to persist within structures not designed for their inclusion. As Hussain et al. (2025) noted, such spiritual resilience demonstrates the agency these women exercised in navigating their doctoral journeys (Pedwell, 2012).

Another significant finding concerns the role of spiritual communities, including churches, cultural groups and networks of “sisterhood,” which operated as informal supervisory constellations (Manathunga, 2023; Richards, 2019) and as “nested communities of support” extending beyond the formal academic environment (Berry, 2017; Themes #2 and 3). These networks provided forms of support that the formal supervisor–student relationship sometimes could not offer (Snyder, 2014). This observation is consistent with Hussain et al.’s (2025) assertion that “reliance on spiritual resilience is an organic aspect of the scholarly journey” (p. 212), a process clearly embodied by the participants in this study. For instance, Ntombi received support from her church members during quarantine, Carolina benefited from her “sisters” who prayed for her during her PhD and Gugu found validation from her pastor, all exemplifying the function of these support networks (Burford, 2017). Similarly, Grimes et al. (2023) found that such communities enabled “the powerful art of truth-telling that we show up in this work as our full selves” (p. 145) among black women scholars. These findings challenge the neoliberal, individualist logic of the academy (Burford, 2017) by fostering spaces of collective care and relationality (Themes #2 and 3). For Australian participants such as Alice and Caitlyn, this relationality extended to “Country” and community as sacred sources of strength, reflecting McKnight’s (2016) concept of “embodied knowledge”, where the land itself serves as a teacher (Theme #2). It is also important to recognise that Christianity a faith some participants draw upon has historically been associated with the suppression of Indigenous spiritual practices that some participants now reclaim (Kwok, 2005; Gebara, 1999), illustrating what postcolonial feminist theologians describe as the negotiated, creative reworking of inherited religious traditions by colonised peoples. This tension enriches, rather than diminishes, the analysis.

Furthermore, spirituality functioned as both an epistemic orientation and a moral compass, directly influencing research purpose and practice (Keane et al., 2023) (Theme #4). Although cultural and religious rituals may sometimes delay academic progress (Theme #5), participants’ reflections reveal that their spiritual and cultural identities were integral to their doctoral journeys, shaping their research processes. For example, Anita’s research was unconsciously framed by Buddhist philosophy, while Ruby’s inquiry was motivated by religious curiosity. For Caitlyn and Cherie, their identities as Aboriginal women served as the primary impetus for their doctoral work. This finding aligns with Santos’s (2014) concept of “epistemologies of the South,” which affirms knowledge systems outside the Western canon. As articulated by Cherie, this orientation entails a profound ethical responsibility to community and kin, challenging the Western notion that researchers can act without accountability. In this context, spirituality emerges as a site of resistance to what Niu et al. (2022) described as “epistemic erasure”, or the systematic exclusion of spiritual ways of knowing. (Keane et al., 2023).

These findings highlight the necessity of reconceptualising doctoral education as a “spiritual ecology” (Manathunga, 2023). This framework, informed by postcolonial, decolonial and intersectionality theories, recognises that knowledge production is deeply intertwined with gender, race, culture and the more-than-human. (Atehortúa, 2020). It challenges the “lingering Enlightenment legacy” (Johnson et al., 2000) and supports Gravett’s (2023) call for more relational and caring pedagogies. It is important to emphasise that the secularism shaping dominant doctoral education frameworks is neither universal nor neutral but rather rooted in Global North higher education systems and shaped by specific Western philosophical and political histories (Góźdź, 2022; Hashemi, 2010). This multi-sited study, drawing on data from South Africa, Kenya and Australia, reveals aspects of doctoral experience that secular norms often obscure. For many doctoral students across the Global South and within Indigenous and transcultural communities, spirituality constitutes an epistemological foundation for knowledge production, evaluation and lived experience, rather than a private or supplementary belief (Keane et al., 2023). Consequently, this paper does not merely incorporate spirituality into existing models of doctoral education; it fundamentally challenges the assumption that secular rationality is a neutral or universal default.

This study demonstrates that spirituality, whether expressed through prayer, cultural rituals, ancestral connections or feminist spirituality, plays a crucial role in supporting women of colour throughout the complex emotional, intellectual and psychological journey of doctoral study. Spirituality functions not merely as a private belief but as a collective and epistemic practice that underpins resilience, identity formation and ethical research engagement (Johnston, 2016). By foregrounding spirituality as a more-than-human dimension of doctoral education, this research advocates for a reimagining of doctoral pedagogies that move beyond secular rationalism and individualism (Sidebottom and Mycroft, 2024).

This approach recognises the diverse ways in which doctoral candidates engage with knowledge, community and the broader world. Consequently, doctoral supervision and institutional policy should be re-envisioned to incorporate spiritual and cultural forms of support as legitimate and valuable contributors to student success (Pham et al., 2024). Institutions should also consider organising courses, workshops or mentorship programmes to assist doctoral candidates and their supervisors in recognising the role of spirituality in the research process, thereby enhancing intrinsic motivation and fostering a deeper sense of meaning (Bufford et al., 2018).

We are not suggesting that doctoral supervisors endorse specific spiritual frameworks or that institutions implement generic “spirituality sessions”. Instead, we are asking that supervisors and institutional leaders develop the capacity to recognise spirituality as a meaningful aspect of many candidates’ experiences. It is essential to ensure that the culture of doctoral education does not actively undermine or render these dimensions invisible (Menon et al., 2022). While the three-country scope offers important comparative insights, it also indicates that further research is needed. Future studies could extend these findings by examining how similar dynamics operate across additional geopolitical contexts and by exploring how spiritual, ancestral and more-than-human relationalities unfold across different doctoral pathways.

The authors would like to thank all the participants who generously gave their time to take part in this study. The authors also acknowledge the universities that granted permission for the research to be conducted and supported access to the study sites.

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

AI-assisted editing tools, including Grammarly, Paperpal and EditGPT, were used during the manuscript preparation process to support language editing, improve sentence structure and enhance grammatical accuracy. These tools were not used for data analysis, interpretation of findings, or the generation of substantive intellectual content. All analytical decisions, interpretations and conclusions remain the responsibility of the authors.