Exploring the echo chambers in entrepreneurship: embedding in social media and its implications on resources

This paper explores how echo chambers on social media influence entrepreneurial processes. Social media platforms are embedded in the fabric of modern society, enabling billions of people worldwide to connect, share information and express their views (Berg, 2015). This integration has also transformed the intersection of social media and entrepreneurship. Smith et al. (2017) underscore the growing importance of online social capital, which is reshaping how entrepreneurs manage various aspects of their ventures, including marketing strategies (e.g. Bulearca and Bulearca, 2010; Hensel and Deis, 2010; Michaelidou et al., 2011; Jones et al., 2015; Brink, 2017), business networking, information-seeking practices (e.g. Fernandes et al., 2016; Kuhn et al., 2016; Quinton and Wilson, 2016) and crowdfunding (e.g. Fietkiewicz et al., 2018; Roedenbeck and Lieb, 2018; Datta et al., 2019).

The rise of social media has in recent years attracted considerable scholarly interest. Social media is increasingly used as a method for gathering empirical data, enabling the exploration of diverse phenomena such as psychological empowerment (Chakraborty and Biswal, 2021), entrepreneurial embeddedness (Jonsson, 2023) and online co-participation as a pathway of learning (Vershinina et al., 2022). Building on this trend, Elenurm (2024) applies netnography – a method tailored for online communities – to examine the process of shaping entrepreneurial opportunities on social media. Similarly, Gregori and Holzmann (2022) use netnography to investigate the formation of value in entrepreneurial practices online. This method has also been used to study digital nomads as entrepreneurs, revealing the ways they leverage digital platforms to sustain their ventures (Yu et al., 2024).

Beyond these practical applications, social media has also been incorporated into research examining empowerment for marginalised groups, both professionally and personally, providing insights into how these platforms can foster agency and visibility (Beninger et al., 2016; Haji Ali et al., 2019). However, social media has been studied as a phenomenon in itself, especially for its potential impact on democracy and the public discourse (Terren and Borge-Bravo, 2021). Critically, social media has been scrutinised for contributing to the creation of “echo chambers” – environments where individuals are primarily exposed to information and opinions that reinforce their existing beliefs and values (Cinelli et al., 2021). As in a closed chamber, where sound can bounce off walls, echo chambers reproduce familiar perspectives, creating an environment where dissenting voices are silenced and marginalised. In this context, echo chambers can be seen as a phenomenon that hampers healthy public discourse, reduces the diversity of viewpoints and exacerbates polarisation (Valensise et al., 2023).

Although research has examined echo chambers in areas such as fake news and blogs (Zimmer et al., 2019), and their role in fostering polarisation and dehumanisation (Harel et al., 2020), a significant gap persists regarding their impact on entrepreneurship, particularly within small businesses and grassroots initiatives. While studies have looked at echo chambers’ effects on group sense-making (Moe et al., 2023) and social information processing in large-scale online interactions (Banisch et al., 2022), there is limited understanding of how echo chambers influence entrepreneurial processes – such as resource creation, allocation and destruction – in small business development. Moreover, little is known about the interactions among diverse actors within these echo chambers on social platforms, particularly regarding how these dynamics collectively shape the entrepreneurial process. This oversight leaves an important area unexplored: whether and how echo chambers may hinder or facilitate entrepreneurial activities, underscoring the need for deeper investigation into their multifaceted roles in entrepreneurship.

In this paper, we delve further into the dynamics of echo chambers within online environments to comprehend their interactions with entrepreneurial processes. Drawing on structuration theory, we conceptualise entrepreneurship as a collaborative social endeavour (Anderson and Miller, 2003), one that is deeply embedded within and shaped by its surrounding context (Welter, 2011). Structuration theory provides a useful framework for understanding embeddedness by illustrating how structures, such as social norms, both shape and are shaped by entrepreneurial actions and interactions. In the entrepreneurship literature, social media has emerged as an opportunity, facilitating marketing (Jones et al., 2015), crowdfunding (Roedenbeck and Lieb, 2018), networking (Smith et al., 2017) and resource mobilisation (Drummond et al., 2018). However, despite the significant potential of social media, the impact of echo chambers – where homogenous views and information dominate – remains underexplored in relation to entrepreneurship.

With this gap in mind, our aim is to explore how entrepreneurship operates within the context of social media echo chambers. To guide our investigation, we focus on three key questions:

To address these questions, we investigated two cases of social media echo chambers interacting with rural businesses: one in which an echo chamber plays a pivotal role in establishing a local grocery store, and another where it dramatically alters the trajectory of a rural farming business.

Our findings show that echo chambers can either support or undermine entrepreneurship, impacting resources and connections. In addition, we examine the process of embedding within echo chambers, distinguishing between cases of “forced embedding”, where individuals are drawn in by external pressures, and “pursued embedding”, where they actively seek alignment within these environments. This distinction highlights how social dynamics within echo chambers bring together individuals with varied into a shared community.

We will now proceed with a theoretical framework, where we start with a contextual view of entrepreneurship, followed by a review of the role of echo chambers on social media, and then echo chambers in entrepreneurship and their implications on resources. This is followed by an account of our methodological approach and an in-depth presentation of our cases. Finally, we discuss our findings and present our conclusions, shedding light on the role of echo chambers in entrepreneurial processes.

In recent years, researchers in the field of entrepreneurship have come to understand the significant role of the surrounding context in shaping entrepreneurial processes over time (Welter, 2011). Especially when considering aspects of community, context holds a significant power in discussing gender (e.g. Gashi Nulleshi, 2024; Silupu et al., 2024), inclusive entrepreneurship (O'Brien and Cooney, 2024) or online communities (Jonsson and Gaddefors, 2023). The contextual turn challenges the traditional view of context as static and predetermined, which has led to an overemphasis on individual entrepreneurs and marginalised other actors in the entrepreneurial context (Berglund and Johansson, 2007). The contextual turn in entrepreneurship instead recognises entrepreneurship as a social process involving the creation and extraction of value from the environment (Anderson, 2000; Jack and Anderson, 2002). It shifts the focus from individual traits to the entrepreneurial process and its complex interaction with the surrounding context (Baker and Welter, 2020).

Baker and Welter (2020) delve into this notion by exploring how actors interact with and construct their context, which they refer to as “doing context”. This active shaping is a form of agency, defined as “the capacity of human beings to shape the circumstances in which they live” (Emirbayer and Mische, 1998, p. 963). Agency can be seen as a collective process (Rae and Blenker, 2024) and it does not operate in a vacuum; agency is always embedded within a broader contextual framework that both enables and constrains action (Jack and Anderson, 2002). This perspective aligns with structuration theory (Giddens, 1984), which posits that social systems emerge and evolve through ongoing interactions between agency and context. While structuration theory traditionally refers to this as the interplay between agency and structure, we deliberately use context instead of structure to better align with the contextual turn within entrepreneurship research and the community aspect of our cases. The concept of context captures not only institutional and social conditions but also spatial, temporal and digital dimensions that influence entrepreneurial activity (Welter, 2011; Jonsson and Gaddefors, 2023). In digital environments such as social media, context is especially fluid, shaped by algorithmic affordances, community interactions and evolving platform norms (Jonsson and Gaddefors, 2023). By adopting a contextual lens, rather than strictly structural one, we emphasise the dynamic and co-constructed nature of the environments in which entrepreneurs operate. This allow us to better account for how social media both constrains and enables entrepreneurial action, while also being reshaped by the very actors embedded within it.

To further understand how agency interacts with context, the concept of embeddedness has been introduced (Jack and Anderson, 2002) focusing on how actors or businesses become integrated into a specific context. Embeddedness highlights the dynamic interplay between agency and the context, where entrepreneurs not only navigate their surroundings but also become integral parts of them. This process results in mutual dependence and the utilisation of the context’s unique attributes (Jack and Anderson, 2002, p. 467). However, embeddedness is not a one-sided accomplishment by the entrepreneur or firm; instead, it is a process engaged in by both the entrepreneur and the context. Astner (2022) emphasises that context is not merely something an entrepreneur relates or acts upon, but something reciprocal that the entrepreneur takes part in creating through embedding, influenced by other actors beyond those who initiated the business. Thus, the entrepreneur only partially chooses how this embedding occurs. Importantly, embedding can also be manipulated to harm a business, as adversarial actors may exploit these relationships for their own gain. In addition, the context may vary in its receptiveness to facilitate this embedding (Astner, 2022).

One context that has become increasingly critical for success in today’s digital economy is social media. Social media forms a distinct environment for businesses to engage with various stakeholders, including customers, competitors and collaborators. Unlike traditional social contexts, social media is characterised by rapid information flows, evolving platform norms and algorithm-driven interactions, which influence how ideas spread, identities are formed, and social structures emerge. These dynamics make social media a compelling context for study, as they highlight the interplay between individual agency and the broader digital environment. Understanding how actors navigate and shape this space is essential for grasping the complex processes of interaction, influence and community formation in contemporary society.

Let us now transition to the phenomenon of echo chambers in social media. The term “echo chamber” is often used metaphorically to describe how social media, online forums and even physical communities can foster an environment where individuals are exposed to information that validates their existing beliefs, while dissenting voices are marginalised or excluded (e.g. Cinelli et al., 2021; Valensise et al., 2023). Much like sound reverberating in a closed chamber, echo chambers amplify dominant viewpoints.

In this paper, an echo chamber refers specifically to an online environment where individuals are exposed to information, ideas or opinions that align with their pre-existing beliefs, values or viewpoints. This environment can lead to a reinforcement of individuals’ existing beliefs, as alternative perspectives are seldom encountered, or silenced, ultimately creating a self-perpetuating cycle of confirmation bias (Moe et al., 2023). As a result, individuals may become increasingly entrenched in their views, less receptive to differing perspectives, and potentially more polarised, which hinders constructive discourse (Cinelli et al., 2021).

Echo chambers are formed when online users gravitate toward groups comprising individuals who share similar interests and viewpoints (Valensise et al., 2023). Despite society’s ongoing discussions about the risks of these echo chambers, individuals continue to select forums based on their personal interests and opinions, inadvertently fuelling their existence, as noted by Moe et al. (2023). This polarisation of perspectives is further exacerbated by various factors, including inherent human biases in consuming information and the personalised recommendations generated by content algorithms (Valensise et al., 2023).

Previous research has explored echo chamber’s role for organisations. Toubiana and Zietsma (2017) found that Facebook functioned as an emotional echo chamber, amplifying negative emotions and prompting emotion-driven influence activities among members. This, in turn, led to regret and subsequent adaptation within the organisation (Toubiana and Zietsma, 2017). Caprar et al. (2022) examined identity-related tensions and challenges within organisations, highlighting the role of echo chambers in reinforcing self-sealing ideologies. While these studies shed light on how echo chambers influence emotions and ideologies within organisations, there is a gap in understanding how they impact the mobilisation and distribution of resources. This is particularly relevant in the context of entrepreneurship, where access to resources is critical for success. Social media, often a breeding ground for echo chambers, plays a pivotal role in resource acquisition for entrepreneurs. However, the intersection between echo chambers and resource dynamics in entrepreneurial ventures remains underexplored.

Although the relationship between echo chambers and the entrepreneurial process is still underdeveloped, the role of social media in entrepreneurship is better understood. For businesses, establishing a presence on social media can profoundly influence their ability to create and extract value. Social embedding, for example within social media platforms, can provide actors with access to a range of resources that might otherwise remain unavailable (Jack and Anderson, 2002). These resources can be financial, physical and human (Dodd, 2016).

Financial resources, such as funding and investments, are essential for rural business (Müller and Korsgaard, 2018). There is ample evidence of social media’s capacity to provide financial resources. Businesses can use social media platforms to launch crowdfunding campaigns and secure funding for new projects, product development or expansion (e.g. Fietkiewicz et al., 2018; Roedenbeck and Lieb, 2018; Datta et al., 2019). In addition, social media platforms offer an opportunity for advertising, which enables businesses to reach potential customers, gaining increased sales and revenue (Dutot and Bergeron, 2016).

Physical resources, including infrastructure, equipment and facilities, play a crucial role in the rural entrepreneurial process (Müller and Korsgaard, 2018). There are some examples of how social media platforms can give access to physical resources (Jonsson and Gaddefors, 2023), although physical resources are commonly discussed as derived from financial resources. Social media provide opportunities for businesses to engage with stakeholders, local and non-local networks and inter-organisational networks (Morris and James, 2017). Another example illustrates how businesses can participate in the sharing economy by leveraging social media platforms to share or rent physical assets, thereby reducing costs (Richter et al., 2017).

Human resources, such as labour and expertise, are fundamental to ventures and their development (Müller and Korsgaard, 2018). Social media platforms can facilitate the acquisition of human resources for businesses. For example, professional networking platforms like LinkedIn allow businesses to engage with stakeholders, engage in local and non-local networks, and inter-organisational networks (Morris and James, 2017; Dias and Franco, 2018). Examples also exist where social media is used to gather volunteer labour for organisations and associations. Other forms of human resources can be to act as discussion partners, reflecting on problems and strategic directions and dispensing advice. In addition, social media platforms can build relationships between individuals or organisations (Smith et al., 2017), which can be leveraged to acquire various other types of resources (Simon and Hitt, 2003). A prime example of this is how businesses can utilise social media to attract collaborative opportunities with other organisations. By actively engaging in online communities, businesses can build relationships, gather feedback and enhance the legitimacy of their business (Kacker and Perrigot, 2016).

Thus, social media’s role in supporting entrepreneurship extends to fostering meaningful connections, aiding in the cultivation of entrepreneurial skills or access to resources, all within the reciprocal relationship between entrepreneurs, their social contexts, and online platforms. However, more critical perspectives have been developed to bring nuance to the field of entrepreneurship and social media (Baccarella et al., 2018).

When social media help to establish and reveal relationships, they enable different types of social engagement and related consequences (Baccarella et al., 2018). Consequences can include cyberbullying, stalking or online harassment (Kwan and Skoric, 2013). The downside of relationships and group dynamics is often highlighted by what social psychologists call “ingroup-outgroup bias” (Tajfel and Turner, 2004). Individuals identify with certain social groups (ingroup identity), creating echo chambers where their own beliefs are amplified and those outside their groups (outgroups) are disparaged. This can result in polarised debates (Hogg and Reid, 2006). This “ingroup love and outgroup hate” (Brewer, 1999) manifests when people exclude others from discussions or group membership and lose empathy for them, a phenomenon known as the intergroup empathy gap.

The consequences of social media backlash on entrepreneurship can differ depending on the size of organisation. Micro-entrepreneurs experience the potential negative impacts of social media differently compared to large or established companies. For small or micro-companies, the consequences of online reputation damage are significantly more severe, as they often lack the resources to effectively address and mitigate these issues (Amin and Khan, 2021). The issue is not the likelihood of encountering negative experiences (Baccarella et al., 2018), but rather the ability and resources to address them. Micro-entrepreneurs typically must handle these effects on their own, often resulting in increased stress (van der Schuur et al., 2019), unlike large companies that can afford to hire dedicated social media departments. As shown, social media offers numerous opportunities for micro-entrepreneurs that would not be accessible without digital engagement. However, using social media is time-consuming, and their time is limited due to the specific structure of their businesses (Sawy and Bögenhold, 2023). Especially for micro-entrepreneurs in rural areas, the use of social media can yield benefits for the business, which, in turn, is only possible with a serious and high-quality online presence. Designing and implementing this is time-consuming (Sawy and Bögenhold, 2023).

As we know that factors such as digitalisation and technological progress have a strong impact on entrepreneurial processes (Welter, 2019), we want with this paper focus on these echo chambers and the implications they have for entrepreneurship.

To examine the impact of social media echo chambers on entrepreneurship, we conducted a purposeful selection of two cases, following a comparative or paired analysis approach (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). One case was chosen where the echo chamber had been beneficial for the entrepreneurs, and another where it had created challenges. This intentional selection (Gartner and Birley, 2002; Pratt, 2009) enabled a focused comparison of outcomes, allowing us to explore the distinct characteristics of the echo chambers including their positive and negative impacts on entrepreneurship. Our selection criteria were as follows:

• Experience with echo chambers. One case where an echo chamber had a positive impact (The Grocery Store) and another where it created challenges (The Rabbit Farm).

• Contextual consistency. Both cases are situated in rural Sweden, allowing us to explore the socio-spatial dynamics of echo chambers in entrepreneurship.

• Pre-existing familiarity. Both cases are part of a longitudinal study, ensuring prior knowledge of their development and interactions.

• Platform consistency. Facebook was the only social media platform used by both businesses, making it a consistent point of analysis.

Through the selection of contrasting cases we also sought to nuance the prevailing positive discourse surrounding the role of social media in entrepreneurship (Olanrewaju et al., 2020). By including cases with different outcomes, we aimed to offer a more balanced perspective on the potential benefits and challenges associated with echo chambers in entrepreneurial contexts. In Table 1, we present an overview of the two cases.

The first case, referred to as “the grocery store”, involves a business that sells both locally produced goods and a variety of common grocery store supplies. Situated in a small, rural village in Sweden with around 200 inhabitants, the store was created as a community effort. This case was purposely selected to discuss the positive experience of interacting with an echo chamber on social media, specifically the village’s Facebook group. The store’s Facebook group had about 1,700 members at the time of our study, and played a significant role in the business’s community interactions. Given the store’s strong ties to the local community and its role as a hub for both social and economic activity, this case would most likely be predisposed to good social media reviews. As a business born out of collective community effort, the store benefits from a sense of local pride and loyalty.

The second case, referred to as “the rabbit farm”, involves a solo entrepreneur who relies on local rural resources. She operates a small farm of about 3 hectares, primarily producing meat. The business, which started in 2013, includes rabbits, sheep and cows for meat production, and hens for egg production. This case was purposely selected to discuss the negative experience of interacting with an echo chamber on social media. The rabbit farmer’s business Facebook page, established in the same year as the business, had about two thousand followers at the time of our study. This case is notable for its connection to an animal rights activists’ Facebook group, created in 2017, which also had about two thousand followers at the time of the study. The interactions between the rabbit farmer’s page and the activists’ group exemplify the challenges and negative impacts of echo chambers in social media. By virtue of its type of business, which is inherently linked to animal husbandry and meat production, this case is more predisposed to negative social media reviews. The rabbit farms practices, particularly for raising animals for consumption, are likely to attain criticism from animal rights activists. Through our longitudinal study, we had already established contact with the farmer and were aware that activists had shown interest in her Facebook page. As a result, this case became a fitting contrast to the first, highlighting the challenges of navigating an echo chamber where opposition to the business is expressed and amplified by external groups.

While our case selection focused on specific rural contexts in Sweden, which could be seen as a limitation in terms of generalizability, we argue that the findings have broader relevance. The socio-spatial characteristics of these rural areas, including close-knit communities and strong local ties, undoubtedly shape the dynamics of social media echo chambers. However, the mechanisms we identify – such as how echo chambers amplify support or opposition – can be transferable to similar contexts, especially in environments where community engagement through social media is central to business visibility and interaction. We have deliberately chosen two cases from rural locations. Rural is most often defined in quantitative measures; population density, distance to urban area, infrastructure, service density or agricultural production (Nelson et al., 2021). However, for this paper we use rural as an empirical focus and view “rural” as a socio-spatial concept in agreement with Korsgaard et al. (2015), and view it for its rurality (Astner and Roos, 2024). The distinctiveness of rural areas transforms into an asset (Anderson, 2000), because the unique socio-spatial environment of the periphery offers favourable conditions for entrepreneurial endeavours. Moreover, engaging with consumers through social networks like Facebook is particularly crucial for small rural businesses, as it offers one of the most cost-effective ways to connect with customers or promote products (Petrilák et al., 2020). This is why we believe it is important to acknowledge the business as connected to rural areas, to understand the implications for, and of, the study. However, our analytical focus will be on the process between echo chambers and the businesses.

After identifying the two cases of interest, we began collecting material (see Table 2). To capture the dynamics between the entrepreneurial processes of the businesses and the echo chambers on social media, we combined ethnographic (Johnstone, 2007) and netnographic (Kozinets, 2019) approaches. Netnography is a structured approach to qualitative research within the realm of online ethnography (Kozinets, 2019). It encompasses various research techniques, including archival exploration, collaborative data creation, and field note analysis, all aimed at capturing online expressions. The methodology prioritizes capturing data in real-time to maintain contextual integrity, while also valuing archival preservation (Kozinets, 2018). Combining these approaches allowed us to capture both the social and spatial contexts of entrepreneurship (Jonsson, 2023).

The data collected for this study consists of both textual data from Facebook posts and ethnographic insights. For Case 1, 112 posts from the village’s Facebook group were analysed, focusing on keywords such as “Store”, “Goods”, “Market” and variations of “Grocer”. In Case 2, 340 posts were examined from an animal rights activist Facebook group, with keywords like “Rabbit”, “Farmer”, “Anna”, (pseudonym) and “The Farm”. Although posts from the rabbit farmer’s business Facebook group were initially part of the data set, they were later removed, leaving no posts available for analysis from that source.

We went into our four selected Facebook groups and used the NCapture plugin. NCapture is a web-browser extension for Chrome which enabled us to gather web content to import into NVivo. We captured the four Facebook groups as data sets, with all identities removed. It was only the content (what was written) that was of interest to us, not the individuals (who had written). When the data set was downloaded, we sorted out the relevant posts. After data extraction, we filtered relevant posts based on predefined keywords (see Table 2), generating a final data set of 452 posts, which were categorized within NVivo under the respective businesses. In this way, we could contain information related to the separate businesses. In Table 2, we summarize the collection of the material. We understand that moderators within the chosen Facebook groups have the authority to delete or modify content. Consequently, we considered the remaining posts to be a reliable reflection of the discussions, viewpoints and ideas endorsed within the group.

Field notes played a crucial role in our research, particularly in documenting observations from five visits to the grocery store and one visit to the rabbit farm. A semi-structured interview with the rabbit farmer supplemented our data set, including audio recordings and transcripts. This interview explored themes such as business development, social media interactions and community relationships. We started with broad questions to capture diverse perspectives, refining our focus as new insights emerged. For example, we asked questions such as “Tell us how you use social media in your business”, “What are your experiences of using social media” and “How do you see the role of social media in your business activities?” This iterative approach ensured a comprehensive understanding of the topic. During the interview, we focused on predefined themes, including the development of the business, the farmer’s role in the village, her relationships with neighbours, significant events or challenges she faced, and her perspectives on social media. We began our inquiry with broad questions to explore the overarching themes of our topic, allowing us to gather a diverse range of perspectives and insights. As our understanding evolved, we gradually refined our approach, narrowing our focus to specific aspects of the subject matter. This approach enabled us to ask precise questions about events, seeking detailed information that would deepen our understanding of the topic. This progression from general to specific not only clarified our research objectives but also enriched our exploration of the subject.

Together, these ethnographic data sources – interviews, community interactions and on-site observations – provided a rich qualitative context to complement the textual data from Facebook posts.

In the initial stage of our analysis, we systematically coded the collected material using the framework established by Saldaña (2015). This process involved identifying significant keywords, phrases and emerging categories within the material. To facilitate this, we used NVivo software, which allowed for a more organized and efficient coding process. During the first round of coding, we focused on first-order concepts that emerged from the data, such as collaboration, cross-community support and responses to criticism (see Figure 1). These concepts provided a foundational understanding of the data’s surface-level themes. As we progressed, we constructed accounts based on second-order themes that highlighted recurring patterns and deeper insights into the interactions and dynamics present, such as one-sided discussions, narrative bolstering and collective agency.

Our approach to coding was organic and iterative; as we engaged more deeply with the material, we developed new codes to capture various facets. Following the initial coding cycles, we conducted two rounds of theoretical exploration. We grounded our analysis in embeddedness theory, referencing Jack and Anderson (2002), and the notion of context as constructed, drawing on Baker and Welter (2020). This theoretical lens allowed us to frame our findings within a broader conceptual context. In the final stages of analysis, we revisited the empirical material with a critical eye, focusing on uncovering any nuances or aspects that may have been initially overlooked. We then organized our codes into aggregated dimensions, which highlighted the complex interplay between structure and agency in the data. This categorization resulted in three main themes: echo chambers, forced and pursued embedding and influencing resources. This qualitative depth is invaluable in understanding the phenomena we investigated. Table 3 illustrates the process of analysing and converting descriptive quotes and observations into first-order codes, followed by the creation of more aggregated second-order codes, as recommended by Saldaña (2015). Ultimately, these second-order codes were organised into themes. A summary of the codes and themes derived from the empirical material can be found in Figure 1 in the findings section.

We acknowledge that these research methods have certain inherent limitations. The study was confined to a limited area, and the small sample of firms, along with the methodology used, limits the ability to generalize the findings (Larson, 1992). Nonetheless, the strength of the research design lies in its ability to offer valuable insights, detailed observations and in-depth descriptions (Mwita, 2022).

In 2020, a small village faced the unexpected closure of its only grocery store, causing widespread concern about the village’s survival. The store’s closure sparked emotional reactions on social media, leading to discussions in the village’s Facebook group. The community rallied around the idea of opening a new unmanned grocery store run by volunteers. A survey revealed high enthusiasm for the project, and a subgroup formed to collaborate with rural development experts, local authorities and the municipality’s business unit. Through collective action and crowdfunding, the village overcame challenges like finding a location and raising funds. The Facebook group became a hub for coordinating efforts, offering legal advice, transporting equipment and sharing expertise. Despite a few sceptical voices, the overwhelming positivity and collaboration led to the store’s opening, which was celebrated as a symbol of the village’s resilience. The new store featured a wide variety of products and committed to adjusting stock based on demand, reinforcing the community’s proactive role in ensuring its success.

In contrast, the story of the rabbit farm began in 2013 when the owner started using Facebook to promote her farm products. However, by 2018, the farm became a target of local animal rights activists. A Facebook group with 1,900 members initiated a campaign against the farm, accusing the farmer of cruelty. Harassment escalated with hundreds of threatening messages and protests outside the farmer’s home. The farm’s Facebook page was bombarded with negative comments, forcing the farmer to temporarily shut it down. The harassment intensified when activists trespassed on the farm, causing significant property damage, defacing products and traumatising animals. The farmer experienced emotional distress and considered quitting. Despite police intervention, the activists persisted, and the online campaign against the farmer continued. The damage to the farm and its reputation forced the farmer to close her shop and shift her business focus.

In the analysis of our two cases, we developed six themes which show the development in both entrepreneurial processes (see Figure 1). These themes are one-sided discussion, bolstered narratives, integrating social spheres, collective agency, support/connections and sabotage/undermining. We will now present an account of these themes.

In both the village grocery store and the rabbit farm cases, social media discussions became overwhelmingly one-sided, dominated by the majority opinion without room for dissenting voices.

In the village, the sudden closure of the grocery store in 2020 ignited an emotional response on social media, especially in the village’s Facebook group. The majority of users were focused on reviving the store, viewing it as crucial for the community’s survival. Comments like, “We need a store to survive!” or “Let’s do this!” reflected widespread enthusiasm and a strong sense of urgency. However, a few individuals raised concerns, questioning the project’s feasibility by asking, “Is this really a good idea?” or “Have we thought this through?” Yet, these voices were quickly marginalized, with responses urging them to take their questions to private messages. The overwhelming positivity and excitement overshadowed any reservations, resulting in a one-sided discussion that pushed forward the majority’s narrative.

Similarly, in the case of the rabbit farm, a Facebook group of animal rights activists created a one-sided narrative of cruelty toward animals. The group was filled with repetitive and emotionally charged accusations against the farmer, such as “She is so terrible!” or “She abuses the animals!” These comments dominated the discourse, with little to no consideration of the farmer’s perspective or alternative viewpoints. The activists maintained a closed echo chamber, reinforcing their negative views without engaging in constructive or balanced dialogue, much like how dissenting voices were side-lined in the village Facebook group.

The story of reviving the grocery store became a bolstered narrative of community resilience and action. As the community began working together to revive the store, the village’s Facebook group was filled with messages of support and optimism. Comments such as “We can do this!” and “What an amazing idea!” helped build a positive, motivating narrative that focused on the community’s ability to overcome the challenge of losing their store. This shared belief in their collective strength to succeed against the odds became a powerful force driving the project forward, reinforcing their determination to revitalise the village.

On the other hand, the animal rights activists against the rabbit farmer also built a bolstered narrative, but one that painted a consistently negative picture. Their posts described the farm as cruel and abusive, with messages like, “We have discovered that the farm is more of a nightmare for the rabbits […]” These accusations gained momentum as they were repeated and amplified within the group, creating a strong, unified portrayal of the farmer as a villain. This narrative reinforced the activists’ belief in their cause and further fuelled their desire to shut down the farm.

In both cases, the ability to integrate different social spheres played a key role in mobilising support and taking action.

In the village grocery store project, various parts of the community came together to realise their shared goal of reopening the store. The village’s residents, local authorities and rural development organisations worked in unison, contributing expertise and resources. Local businesses were also involved in the store’s physical transformation, and the community extended beyond the village itself, with people from nearby areas expressing their support for the project. One Facebook user from outside the village even commented, “I do not live there, but if I pass by I will definitely shop!” This integration of different social spheres created a strong network of support and collaboration, which was essential to the project’s success.

In the rabbit farm case, social spheres also converged, but in a more antagonistic way. Local activists used Facebook to organise protests and rally individuals from different backgrounds for their cause. This network of activists, unified by their opposition to the farm, worked together to stage protests, organise break-ins and share information. Although their actions were aggressive, they demonstrated how social media could bring together like-minded individuals for a shared cause, integrating their efforts in pursuit of change.

Collective agency, or the ability of a group to act together toward a shared goal, was evident in both the grocery store revival and the rabbit farm protests, though with vastly different approaches and outcomes.

In the grocery store project, the village demonstrated its collective agency by taking charge of the situation. When the store closed, the community did not wait for external help but took matters into their own hands. They formed a cooperative economic association, held Zoom meetings and involved local authorities to ensure progress. An online survey gathered 135 enthusiastic responses, with participants saying, “I am very interested in this!” and “Let’s do this!” Through crowdfunding and support from the county administrative board, they raised the necessary funds. This example of collective agency shows how community-driven initiatives can lead to tangible results, emphasising cooperation, inclusivity and shared purpose.

Conversely, the animal rights activists also exercised collective agency but in a more aggressive manner. They organised protests, broke into the rabbit farm and coordinated online harassment campaigns. Their actions, although extreme, represented a coordinated effort to pressure the farmer into stopping her practices. This form of collective mobilisation, aimed at forcing change through direct action and intimidation, highlights how collective agency can also manifest in more disruptive and confrontational ways.

In the grocery store revival, the village benefitted from a range of supportive connections. Collaborating with a rural development expert and the local municipality’s business unit provided valuable guidance, resources and strategic input. The dedicated Facebook group became the central hub for exchanging expertise and practical support. For example, when the group needed help transporting fridges or seeking legal advice, they turned to the community, and members quickly helped. This supportive network helped overcome challenges, making it possible to move the project forward.

In contrast, the rabbit farmer faced overwhelming opposition but did receive some support during the protests and online attacks. Although her Facebook page became a battleground, she did not stand entirely alone. Some fellow farmers offered her moral support, and when protests escalated, the police were called in to protect her. Despite being the target of harassment, the farmer’s connections within her community helped her navigate these difficult moments, demonstrating the importance of having a support system in times of crisis.

Sabotage and undermining played critical roles in both narratives, although the severity and impact differed between the two cases. In the grocery store case, there were no acts of physical sabotage, but attempts at undermining the project did exist. A few sceptical villagers questioned whether the project was feasible or well thought out. However, these dissenting voices were quickly brushed aside in favour of the overwhelmingly positive community response. While subtle, this form of undermining could have destabilised the project had it gained more traction, but the supportive community atmosphere helped prevent this from happening.

In the rabbit farmer’s story, sabotage was direct and damaging. Activists trespassed onto her farm, left gates and doors open, defaced products and caused significant water damage, which resulted in tens of thousands of SEK in repair costs. The activists also traumatised her animals, leading to the permanent rehoming of one of her dogs. In addition, online harassment severely undermined the farmer’s mental well-being and business operations, with messages labelling her a “murderer” and threats to her safety flooding in. The psychological toll of these events led to the temporary closure of her shop and forced her to shift her business model. For instance, there were demonstrations outside the farmer’s private residence, including trespassing into the farm’s buildings. A group of around 15 individuals entered the farm – some approaching via the narrow gravel road, others from the surrounding woods. These individuals gathered in the courtyard. During our interview, the rabbit farmer describes her experience regarding this:

This paper highlights how social media platforms, initially designed for specific purposes like launching a grocery store or promoting a rabbit farm, can be significantly influenced by people echoing the same opinions, thus turning these Facebook groups into echo chambers. These Facebook groups offer entrepreneurial opportunities (Jones et al., 2015; Roedenbeck and Lieb, 2018; Smith et al., 2017; Drummond et al., 2022), but at the same time they provide opportunities for a multitude of actors to embed in the entrepreneurial process to exercise their agency and thus co-create entrepreneurship. When these platforms acquire the characteristics of echo chambers, the founders’ initial intentions are either further pursued or forced to shift direction. From the founder’s perspective, echo chambers can be both an opportunity, as exemplified by the case of the grocery store, and a challenge, as seen in the case of the rabbit farmer. These examples illustrate how echo chambers become integral to and actively shape the entrepreneurial process. This co-creation is facilitated by the accessibility and interconnectedness afforded by social media, which fosters the emergence of distributed agency.

In the following discussion, we argue that the echo chamber effect can be decisive for a business, either supporting or hindering its progress and we illustrate how entrepreneurship operates in the context of echo chambers on social media. Consequently, we advocate for entrepreneurs to be aware of the echo-chamber effect, as this awareness is essential for effectively navigating the array of opportunities and challenges that may arise through social media platforms. We will begin our discussion by looking into the echo chambers within our cases.

In our findings, we observe how two Facebook groups, initially created for entrepreneurial purposes, transform into echo chambers that impact business operations. In the case of the echo chamber surrounding the grocery store, the Facebook group originally created for the business evolved and expanded based on the initial ideas of its founders. These ideas are echoed by others, unfolding a success story; they are determined to develop a store. In contrast, the echo chamber surrounding the rabbit farm takes a different shape. The Facebook group initially created to sell the farm’s products and showcase the farm is heavily influenced by activists joining the forum with different goals than the founder. This transforms the Facebook group into an echo chamber where the majority of posts are made by people sharing a common belief; the importance of saving all animals no matter what. This story is then imposed upon the rabbit farm. This is also a consequence of the structure of contemporary social media platforms: individuals join groups or communities based on their own interests and can find like-minded (Valensise et al., 2023). They tend to be drawn to polarised collectives made up of like-minded individuals, leading to the formation of echo chambers where specific narratives are continually bolstered (Moe et al., 2023; Valensise et al., 2023). It is inherent in the platform’s software.

Thus, the two selected cases both exhibit echo chamber dynamics, albeit with differing degrees of intensity within their respective chambers. We discuss this intensity in terms of low and high volume. Before delving into this, let us clarify what constitutes an echo in our cases. The underlying structure of the echoing ideas in our cases is rather straightforward: Person A expresses an opinion or idea, and garners likes or shares. Furthermore, a multitude of individuals chime in with comments that reinforce Person A’s original post, perpetuating confirmation bias, as described by Moe et al. (2023). In the community of the grocery store, we observe a low volume echo chamber. Here, validating comments against the original post is common, reinforcing the primary content. However, dissenting voices that pose critical questions or remarks often go unnoticed and unaddressed. This phenomenon illustrates how a low volume echo chamber operates, where agreement and consensus thrive, and alternative perspectives struggle to gain traction. The scarcity of attention directed towards critical inquiries or dissenting viewpoints reinforces the pre-existing beliefs and attitudes, inadvertently promoting a homogenous consensus. While this phenomenon may offer support to a business, suppressing critical voices can also be harmful as it stifles diverse perspectives and constructive criticism, as suggested by Cinelli et al. (2021). These elements are crucial for identifying weaknesses, fostering innovation, and making informed decisions. Consequently, this phenomenon underscores the challenge of fostering diverse and constructive dialogues.

Conversely, at the rabbit farm, we see a high volume echo chamber dynamic. When activists accuse the farmer of animal cruelty, a substantial number of people swiftly join the chorus with affirmations like “yes” or “I have witnessed it first-hand”. Attempts to defend the farmer are outnumbered by detailed rebuttals, illustrating a high volume echo chamber where reinforcing comments overwhelm dissenting viewpoints. The intensity and frequency of reinforcing comments create a powerful and overwhelming consensus. In this intense high volume echo chamber, the activists’ voices dominate the discussion, shaping the narrative to reflect their perspective on animal rights. The founder’s original entrepreneurial goals are overshadowed by the activists’ agenda, demonstrating how a high volume echo chamber can drastically alter the intended purpose of a social media group. This intense echo chamber not only reinforces the prevailing viewpoint but also marginalises dissent, leading to a polarised and one-sided discourse. This high and low volume echo chamber logics, reflect the urge from Melin et al. (2022) about how polarised public discourses have become a pertinent factor in our daily lives.

Echo chambers serve as social environments where familiar perspectives are continually echoed, leading to the suppression and marginalisation of dissenting voices (Cinelli et al., 2021). Using the concept of embeddedness provides invaluable insights into the mechanics of these echo chambers. Embeddedness plays a pivotal role in comprehending how social dynamics shape the entrepreneurial process (Jack and Anderson, 2002). This prompts an exploration into how social embedding influences the available resources and subsequently impacts entrepreneurial behaviours. From examining our two cases, we will introduce the concepts of pursued and forced embedding, which are intricately linked to the underlying intentions. This exploration will reveal the significant variability in the embedding process, shedding light on the mechanisms driving the formation and perpetuation of echo chambers. Ultimately, it underscores the intricate interplay between social integration and marginalisation within these contexts.

In the case of the grocery store, the initiators of the discussion in the local community’s Facebook group actively seek support and individuals willing to contribute to their noble cause. In this context, positive interactions and reciprocity serve as essential building blocks that strengthen bonds among participants and actively contribute to the formation of this group. This deliberate pursuit of embeddedness underscores the significance of community and collaboration in achieving common goals. These individuals actively foster a supportive context where mutual support and shared endeavours shape their group into a cohesive force working together to launch their envisioned grocery store. Conversely, when we shift our focus to the farm, the farmer never intended to become embedded in any activist social circles. Yet, through a series of interactions, the farm and the farmer became subtly integrated into such a group. The unintended embedding could be perceived as forced, where external actors imposed their agenda onto the entrepreneurial process. The farm found itself intertwined within a critical context dominated by discussions on animal rights, which overshadowed the farmer’s original agricultural objectives. The critical nature of the activist group’s engagement presented challenges for the farm. It redirected focus towards animal rights issues, diverging from the farm’s primary goals of agricultural production. This situation illustrates the complex social dynamics where individuals may find themselves embedded in contexts that contradict their initial entrepreneurial intentions.

Crucially, embeddedness is not solely achieved by the entrepreneur or firm; rather, it is a reciprocal process engaged in by both the entrepreneur and the context. Astner (2022) underscores that entrepreneurs actively participate in creating contexts through embedding, which Baker and Welter (2020) describes as “doing context”. The context, in turn, can vary in its receptiveness to facilitate this embedding. Moreover, Astner (2022) suggests that embedding is partly a choice made by the individual involved. Thus, an individual embedding in a context has only partial agency in this process. To expand on this argument, we elucidate how embedding can occur as pursued or forced. Our narratives exemplify the nuances of pursued and forced embedding, showcasing how supportive and critical contexts influence entrepreneurial processes within community dynamics on social media platforms. For a view of these dynamics, refer Table 4, detailing the differences between pursued and forced embedding.

With the above discussion, the concept of agency takes on a broader dimension which we can apply for discussing our findings. While traditionally associated with human actions (Giddens, 1984), agency extend to the distributed online and local environments. We posit that in the landscape of social media, echo chambers serve as context for entrepreneurship. The digital environment creates a distinct context where agency is distributed across online and local spaces. In this scenario, individuals exercise agency in curating their online experiences and engaging with content that aligns with their perspectives. The echo chambers influence shaping the context in which entrepreneurial activities occur. Furthermore, the agency exercised by individuals within these echo chambers contributes to the broader dynamic of distributed agency, both online and locally. By this, we emphasise the interplay between agency and context, and the role of context in shaping entrepreneurial outcomes. As such, our findings suggest that echo chambers on social media works as context in the process of entrepreneurship, and we can view agency as being distributed online and locally.

What is prominent in our findings is that the social media platforms offer users the chance to exercise their agency on a large scale. We discuss this in terms of distributed agency as a concept that refers to the decentralized and collaborative nature of making choices and action-taking within a system. When it comes to the intersection of social media and entrepreneurship, we argue that distributed agency plays a significant role in shaping the dynamics and outcomes of both.

In our findings, we also see that the echo chambers define the value of entrepreneurship. By engaging in the entrepreneurial process, individuals focus on what is important or essential to them and join in the cause online. If we then view entrepreneurship as a social process (Jack and Anderson, 2002), which creates value, the individuals only exercise their agency to steer the process to what they important or the goal (i.e. what value to create) through how they interact and react in the Facebook groups. In this sense, we argue that individuals who participate in creating an echo chamber around entrepreneurs are central for understanding why and how a certain value is created. In this social process, people become increasingly embedded in the cause, and the echo chamber is reinforcing their conviction. As stated by Valensise et al. (2023), online users often gravitate towards polarised groups consisting of individuals who share similar viewpoints, resulting in the creation of echo chambers where certain narratives are reinforced.

We know that entrepreneurship requires a range of resources. Being embedded in a particular context can create opportunities and improve performance, granting access to latent resources otherwise unavailable to entrepreneurs (Jack and Anderson, 2002). Such socially acquired resources can be referred to as social embedding (Anderson and Miller, 2003). In our two cases, we see how echo chambers can lead to either the creation or destruction of various resources, such as financial, physical and human resources. Here, we illustrate this with examples and culminate in a summary presented in Table 5.

In the case of the grocery store we see social media’s capacity to provide financial resources. By reaching a wide audience, the grocery store enabled financing to support their initiatives. We also saw how social media provide opportunities for ventures to engage with stakeholders, local and non-local networks and inter-organisational networks (Morris and James, 2017).

So, in the grocery store, we saw how the echo chambers’ role in supporting entrepreneurship extends to fostering meaningful connections, aiding in the cultivation of entrepreneurial skills and access to resources, all within the reciprocal relationship between entrepreneurs, their social contexts, and online platforms. However, the story surrounding the rabbit farm is quite different. The prevalence of echo chambers significantly impacted and undermined sales, resulting in a decline in revenue. Moreover, this phenomenon induced a sense of fear and apprehension among individuals, causing them to hesitate or feel reluctant about extending help or assistance. The emergence of this echo chambers also gave rise to a range of social issues, fostering an environment where people were disinclined to offer their support, and where a pervasive atmosphere of fear took hold, making individuals reluctant to engage with the farmer.

For the farmer, the effect of the online engagements resulted in that it undermines physical resources by encouraging the damaging cooling systems and the farm itself. This act not only depletes tangible assets but also harms the ecological balance. Furthermore, their actions have a ripple effect on financial resources as they obstruct potential sales opportunities, leading to financial losses for individuals and businesses alike. It also erodes personal resources, creating a sense of fear and reluctance among people to help. This diminishes the community’s ability to come together and support one another. In addition, their online actions contribute to the degradation of social resources through the emergence of various social issues. This creates an atmosphere of apprehension among neighbours and community members. So, their online actions have far-reaching consequences that extend beyond the immediate damage they cause. They negatively impact physical, financial, personal, and social resources for the farmer, resulting in a chain reaction of problems that affect both individuals and the community. For the grocery store, the Facebook interactions enable physical resources by providing local access to cooling facilities, inventory items (chairs, tables, etc.). This also allows for financial resources through initial capital for an economic association. Facebook has facilitated personal resources through coordinating the transportation of cooling equipment, paint and picking up goods, as well as scheduling. They foster social resources by offering ideas, legal advice, assistance and support/guidance.

This paper sheds light on how echo chambers on social media platforms influence the entrepreneurial process. Through the examination of two contrasting cases – one of a grocery store benefiting from a supportive echo chamber, and the other of a rabbit farm facing challenges from a critical one – we demonstrate how the dynamics of these echo chambers can either support or hinder entrepreneurial ventures.

Entrepreneurs in echo chambers experience the amplification of certain viewpoints, shaping the trajectory of their businesses in ways they may not have originally anticipated. For the grocery store, the “low-volume echo chamber” fostered a sense of community, characterised by a moderate intensity where supportive interactions provide essential social, financial and physical resources, ultimately supporting the business’s success. In contrast, the rabbit farm faced a “high-volume echo chamber” dominated by external activists, where intense interactions and frequent reinforcement of a singular narrative reshaped the business narrative, leading to resource depletion and significant challenges to its operations. This distinction highlights how the intensity of echo chambers can profoundly impact entrepreneurial outcomes, with low-volume chambers nurturing positive reinforcement and community support, while high-volume chambers can overwhelm and undermine an entrepreneur’s original objectives.

In our analysis, we introduce the concepts of pursued and forced embedding, which enhance our understanding of how social dynamics influence entrepreneurial experiences within echo chambers. Pursued embedding occurs when entrepreneurs actively seek to integrate into supportive networks that align with their goals, fostering collaboration and mutual reinforcement. This type of embedding allows entrepreneurs to leverage social capital, facilitating access to resources and positive feedback that can drive business success. Conversely, forced embedding arises when external forces, such as activist groups or critical audiences, impose themselves upon the entrepreneurial context, reshaping the entrepreneur’s narrative and objectives against their will. This dynamic often leads to conflict, resource depletion and challenges that can undermine the original entrepreneurial vision. By distinguishing between these two forms of embedding, we illuminate the complex interplay between agency and context, highlighting how entrepreneurs must navigate both supportive and adversarial environments in their pursuit of success.

To conclude, this paper shows how echo chambers on social media can influence the availability and quality of resources, either enhancing or undermining them, depending on the nature of interactions and the community’s response. This underscores the role of social media platforms in shaping entrepreneurial dynamics and outcomes, highlighting the need for a nuanced understanding of the interplay between context, embeddedness and agency in entrepreneurial processes.

Our findings provide a theoretical contribution to the growing research on echo chambers and social media, addressing an important gap in existing literature. While much of the prior research has focused on areas such as fake news, polarization and group dynamics, little attention has been given to the interaction between echo chambers and small businesses or grassroots entrepreneurial processes. We address this gap by examining how entrepreneurship operates within the context of echo chambers on social media, emphasizing the role of embeddedness and its implications on resources.

A significant theoretical advancement introduced in our study is the distinction between pursued and forced embedding. This framework helps to explain the varied ways entrepreneurs integrate into, or become constrained by, echo chambers. This theoretical distinction provides new insights into how entrepreneurial agency can be enabled or constrained by echo chambers. Pursued embedding allows entrepreneurs to build supportive communities around their ventures, whereas forced embedding occurs when external forces – such as activists or adversarial groups – draw them into environments that may not align with their goals. These concepts extend beyond the Facebook context of our study, applying to other platforms such as Instagram or X (formerly Twitter), as well as offline environments. For example, forced embedding can manifest in various scenarios where relationships are exploited to harm a business, as noted by Astner (2022). This includes scenarios where criminal organisations infiltrate businesses against the owners’ will, further underscoring the broader applicability of our findings.

These dynamics may play out differently in profit-driven versus non-profit organisations, depending on their missions and goals. In profit-driven ventures, echo chambers may reinforce existing market preferences. A fashion start-up on Instagram, for instance, might thrive in an echo chamber amplified by influencers, boosting brand visibility. However, this success could come at the cost of innovation, as entrepreneurs might feel pressured to align with consumer expectations. In contrast, non-profits often find themselves embedded in echo chambers that align with specific ideologies. A non-profit focused on environmental causes might build a strong, unified community within its echo chamber, but this could marginalise alternative strategies crucial for broader impact. Social entrepreneurs, who aim to address societal challenges while maintaining a sustainable business model, may face unique pressures as well. They might need to balance their mission with market demands, navigating echo chambers that either support or hinder their efforts. In addition, non-profits might be more vulnerable to forced embedding, where they feel pressure to conform to dominant narratives to maintain support, which in turn could limit their operational flexibility.

Our study provides practical insights for entrepreneurs navigating social media platforms. Entrepreneurs can benefit from echo chambers by leveraging them to build strong community support, as seen in the case of the grocery store in our study. However, it is crucial for entrepreneurs to be aware of the potential risks of echo chambers, which often fail to amplify dissenting opinions. This can lead to an environment where alternative viewpoints are underrepresented, limiting creativity and innovation. In addition, entrepreneurs should be vigilant about the risks associated with forced embedding, as seen in the case of the rabbit farm, where external pressure or dominant narratives can constrain the strategic flexibility. To reduce these risks, entrepreneurs should work to diversify their networks, engaging with a variety of communities that offer different perspectives and insights. This way, they can avoid becoming too dependent on just one echo chamber.

In addition, our findings have implications for social media platform design and policies. Platforms should consider developing features that reduce the formation of isolated echo chambers by encouraging exposure to diverse viewpoints. Algorithms that promote varied content and community-building tools that foster inclusive dialogue could help mitigate the polarising effects of echo chambers.

Overall, entrepreneurs must remain aware of how different platforms, such as Facebook, Instagram and X, create and amplify echo chambers through their distinct content structures. The community-oriented environment of Facebook, the visual-centric design of Instagram, and the rapid text-based interactions on X all influence the dynamics of these echo chambers in different ways, affecting both the speed of amplification and the level of community integration. Understanding these platform-specific characteristics allows entrepreneurs to better navigate the challenges and opportunities that come with building an online presence.

The impact of echo chambers is an important area for future research that requires further investigation. Studies should examine how echo chambers influence decision-making and resource access across various industries, encompassing both profit-driven and non-profit organisations. Furthermore, research could investigate how specific platform features facilitate the formation of echo chambers and their effects on entrepreneurial success. Finally, exploring the implications of pursued and forced embedding in different entrepreneurial contexts, both online and offline, could provide valuable insights.