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Purpose

This study aims to identify the factors that support the inclusion and retention of transgender individuals in the Brazilian labor market by analyzing companies listed on the IDIVERSA B3 diversity index.

Design/methodology/approach

We employed a documentary analysis strategy, examining 2023 sustainability reports, official websites and Instagram profiles of the 75 companies listed on IDIVERSA B3. Data were analyzed through manual review and the ChatPDF software to identify corporate actions supporting access and retention of transgender talent.

Findings

The findings reveal a pattern of organizational selective diversity, in which companies include cisgender lesbian, gay and bisexual individuals while systematically excluding transgender people from diversity initiatives.

Practical implications

The research provides a reference matrix of trans-inclusive human resource actions and contributes to the sustainable development goals by addressing gender diversity beyond the binary framework. The findings expose gaps between ESG diversity discourse and substantive transgender inclusion practices.

Originality/value

We introduce the concept of “organizational selective diversity” to theorize how organizations selectively include certain marginalized subgroups while excluding others within the same diversity category. This concept advances critical diversity management literature by revealing patterns of exclusion within ostensibly inclusive corporate policies, thereby distinguishing our framework from related concepts such as tokenism and diversity washing.

The inclusion of transgender (trans) people in the Brazilian labor market continues to face profound barriers, reflected in both organizational culture and human resource management practices (Baggio, 2017; Benevides, 2026; Cândido & Medeiros, 2021; Galvão, Círico, & Nova, 2024, Galvão, Nova, & Círico, 2025). Recent studies in administration and human resource management have shown that most Brazilian companies maintain cisnormative standards, privileging gender identities aligned with the gender assigned at birth (Anderson, 2023) and excluding trans people from selection processes, corporate environments, and professional development opportunities (Círico, Silva, & Casa Nova, 2025; Galvão et al., 2025).

This exclusion is reinforced by structural biases (Benevides, 2026; Gutierres & Lordello, 2023), practiced especially by cisgender male leaders and colleagues (Anderson, 2023), and manifests itself from the initial stages of recruitment to the daily organizational routine, hindering the access and retention of transgender people in formal employment (Benevides, 2026; Círico et al., 2025; Gonçalves & Trujillo, 2020; Lopes & de Moura, 2019). Given this scenario, initiatives aimed at the inclusion and retention of transgender talent are essential to promote fairer and more diverse work environments (Círico, Galvão, & Casa Nova, 2024; Galvão et al., 2025; Gutierres & Lordello, 2023).

In August 2023, the Brazilian Stock Exchange (B3) launched IDIVERSA B3, the first diversity index focused on social markers of gender and race, highlighting 75 companies considered benchmarks in diversity inclusion (B3, 2023). However, the need to critically analyze the practices of organizations, identifying which actions truly promote the inclusion and retention of trans people and which companies remain only in discourse, persists (Círico et al., 2025; Drydakis, 2024).

In the global context, the inclusion of transgender people in the labor market has been debated as a critical frontier of organizational diversity management (Ozturk & Tatli, 2015; Hennekam & Köllen, 2023). Studies in the Global North have shown that, even in countries with robust antidiscrimination frameworks, transgender people face significant systemic barriers (Drydakis, 2024). The Brazilian case offers unique insights into these global debates. Despite being the country where transgender people are most murdered worldwide (Benevides, 2026) and having a limited legal framework for protection, we highlight the emergence of corporate diversity indices, such as IDIVERSA B3.

This tension between structural violence and corporate ESG performativity allows us to critically examine how globalized discourses on diversity are selectively appropriated in the contexts of the Global South, revealing the limits of approaches to diversity management policies in organizations that do not consider local specificities and the intersectionalities of minority identities.

Considering the above, this study aims to identify the factors determining the inclusion and retention of transgender people in the labor market based on the analysis of sustainability reports, official websites, and Instagram profiles of companies listed on IDIVERSA B3. By mapping corporate practices and policies, we seek to contribute to the advancement of organizational studies and offer practical support for transforming organizational culture, aligning with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and promoting equity through the inclusion of diverse gender identities in the workplace.

In the Brazilian context, the disclosure of actions aimed at including people belonging to the LGBTQIAPN+ community in companies' sustainability reports raises a fundamental question: are all the groups represented by the acronym being included, or are there identities that companies systematically exclude?

Recent organizational studies have highlighted the challenges faced by minority groups in the labor market, with special attention to the experiences of trans people in corporate environments (Cancela, Stutterheim, & Uitdewilligen, 2024; Cândido & Medeiros, 2021; Círico et al., 2025; Galvão et al., 2024; Gutierres & Lordello, 2023).

Despite this progress, we identified a gap in the literature on people management regarding the phenomenon we identified and named in this study as organizational selective diversity, which refers to organizational practices and behaviors that make transgender people invisible and exclude them from the labor market through generalist discourses and narratives that generate a superficial impression of broad inclusion of LGBTQIAPN+ diversity in workspaces.

Transgender people continue to be among the most marginalized within the LGBTQIAPN+ community (Benevides, 2026), facing significant barriers to accessing the formal labor market (Almeida & Vasconcellos, 2018; Benevides, 2026; Caproni Neto & Bicalho, 2018; Círico et al., 2024; Galvão et al., 2025). Many resort to informal and precarious activities as a means of survival (Benevides, 2026; Marinho & Almeida, 2019; Teixeira & Porém, 2019). By denying opportunities for entry and professional advancement, companies negatively impact the maintenance of these conditions of exclusion and socioeconomic vulnerability (Círico, 2024; Galvão et al., 2024; Gutierres & Lordello, 2023).

Among the main obstacles faced by trans workers are organizational transphobia, difficulties in the recognition of their chosen name on badges and documents, lack of access to appropriate uniforms, and restrictions on the use of restrooms and changing rooms aligned with gender identity (Cândido & Medeiros, 2021; Círico et al., 2025; Gutierres & Lordello, 2023). Furthermore, there is a tendency to limit trans people to roles considered “acceptable” only in specific segments, such as the beauty industry, denying their potential to occupy a variety of positions (Almeida & Vasconcellos, 2018; Benevides, 2026; Caproni Neto & Bicalho, 2018; Teixeira & Porém, 2019).

Organizational culture marked by sexism, cisheteronormativity, and patriarchal structures reinforces exclusion, often sustained by the personal beliefs and values of cisgender managers and those responsible for selection processes (Galvão et al., 2025; Gonçalves & Trujillo, 2020; Marinho & Almeida, 2019; Teixeira & Porém, 2019). Discriminatory acts, such as judgmental stares, derogatory comments, and restrictions on access to affirmative spaces, increase the marginalization of these people (Cândido & Medeiros, 2021; Círico, 2024).

To overcome this scenario, companies must adopt policies that protect and promote the professional development of transgender people, offering real opportunities for growth, appreciation, and recognition (Círico et al., 2025; Drydakis, 2024; Galvão et al., 2024). In this sense, we observe that the transformation of organizational culture into an inclusive, safe, and respectful environment is essential for transgender people to be seen and recognized as integral parts of organizations.

2.1.1 Conceptual delimitation

Although concepts such as tokenism, diversity washing, symbolic inclusion, and performative diversity capture dimensions of superficial inclusion, we propose the concept of organizational selective diversity to describe a specific phenomenon that has not yet been adequately theorized. This is the systematic organizational practice of including only certain subgroups within marginalized categories, while others remain invisible or are actively excluded.

Unlike tokenism, which refers to the minimal inclusion of members of minority groups to appear compliant (Kanter, 1977), organizational selective diversity describes a strategic selection within already marginalized groups. While diversity washing emphasizes the discrepancy between discourse and practice (Noon, 2007; Pless & Maak, 2004), our concept captures the intersectional dimension of exclusion: within the LGBTQIAPN+ community, for example, cisgender LGB people may be included while trans people are systematically excluded.

Organizational selective diversity operates through three main mechanisms: (1) Hierarchization of identities: organizations privilege identities considered “more palatable” or closer to dominant standards (Anderson, 2023); (2) Discursive invisibility: Using umbrella terms (such as “LGBTQIAPN+”) to mask the absence of specific groups; (3) Conditional inclusion: in which access is limited to individuals who conform to cisnormative and binary expectations.

This concept can be operationalized in future research through (1) analysis of the disaggregated demographic composition of diversity initiatives; (2) mapping of which identities belonging to the acronym LGBTQIAPN+ receive resources and visibility, and which do not; and (3) identifying gaps between broad inclusive discourse and practices targeting specific groups, such as trans people. The theoretical gap that this concept fills is the absence of frameworks that identify the complexity of selective exclusion within seemingly progressive diversity agendas, particularly in the context of the Global South, where debates on ESG and corporate diversity have specificities that differ from the realities of the Global North.

Studies in HRM involving the inclusion and retention of transgender and non-binary individuals in the labor market across different countries have highlighted the persistent barriers faced by these workers. A key challenge is the inability to express gender identity in the workplace in ways that align with their comfort and authenticity. In response to this, scholars have proposed a range of inclusive strategies and actions aimed at transforming this exclusionary landscape and promoting genuine gender diversity within organizational settings (Galvão et al., 2025; Hennekam & Köllen, 2023; Ozturk & Tatli, 2015). These difficulties are primarily rooted in the pervasive cisnormativity and compulsory gender binarism embedded in organizations and structures (Anderson, 2023; Galvão et al., 2024, 2025).

These findings corroborate research conducted in the Brazilian context, which identifies not only the barriers trans people face in gaining access to the labor market but also significant difficulties related to remaining in organizational environments (Marinho & Almeida, 2019; Teixeira & Porém, 2019). The persistence of multiple forms of violence directed at trans bodies within organizations often leads to the exclusion and forced expulsion of these individuals from the formal workforce. Consequently, many are pushed to the margins of society, facing precarious working conditions and high levels of social vulnerability (Benevides, 2026; Drydakis, 2024).

Among the recommended practices suggested for human resource management to promote the inclusion and retention of transgender and gender-diverse individuals in the workplace, several key strategies stand out (Galvão et al., 2025). One essential initiative involves providing comprehensive educational programs and training for the entire HR team.

These programs aim to foster a deeper understanding of the lived experiences, systemic challenges, and barriers faced by transgender individuals, thereby equipping HR professionals with the knowledge required to create more inclusive and supportive organizational environments (Drydakis, 2024; Galvão et al., 2025; Ozturk & Tatli, 2015).

In the area of recruitment and selection, one critical practice is the implementation of anonymized hiring processes. This involves designing and implementing application and interview procedures in a way that conceals applicants' personal characteristics, such as name, gender identity, and appearance, from recruiters during the initial stages of candidacy evaluation. Anonymity in hiring serves as a mechanism to mitigate or avoid the impact of unconscious bias, ensuring that candidate assessments and evaluations are based on skills, qualifications, and relevant experiences rather than socially constructed and potentially stigmatized identity markers (Gutierres & Lordello, 2023; Lopes & de Moura, 2019).

Furthermore, inclusive HRM practices should effectively and actively support the recognition and affirmation of diverse gender identities and expressions in the workplace. This includes flexible dress code policies that allow individuals to express their gender authenticity, implementing personal pronoun policies, formalizing their use in internal communication systems and documentation, and granting autonomy in how they present themselves and navigate their professional roles.

In the Brazilian context, beyond the inclusive human resource management (IHRM) practices previously mentioned, there remains a critical need for organizational policies that ensure the safety and dignity of trans and non-binary individuals in the use of workplace facilities, particularly bathrooms and changing rooms, safeguarding employees' right to use them in accordance with their self-identified gender (Almeida & Vasconcellos, 2018).

However, this right is often undermined by institutional and interpersonal barriers, frequently enacted by cisgender managers and colleagues, especially cisgender men who reproduce transphobic behaviors that result in the exclusion and harassment of trans and non-binary employees (Benevides, 2026; Galvão et al., 2025). Therefore, there is a pressing demand in many Brazilian companies for the development and implementation of internal policies and actions that promote inclusion and uphold the rights and dignity of transgender employees, complying with their legal rights. These policies must be accompanied by continuous training and awareness-raising initiatives aimed at dismantling cisnormative norms and cultivating an organizational culture that affirms and protects gender diversity in all its forms. This is the role and responsibility of trans-inclusive human resource management.

Trans workers are frequently subjected to discrimination, as well as physical and psychological violence in the workplace (Cândido & Medeiros, 2021; Círico, 2025; Círico et al., 2024; Gutierres & Lordello, 2023). In this context, the active support of cisgender colleagues who hold the social privilege of cisgenderism is essential for mitigating harm and suffering. Such support can serve as a protective factor, enabling trans and non-binary individuals to work in safer environments (Galvão et al., 2025), fostering their professional development, and enhancing their sense of belonging within the organization, and slowly dismantling structural barriers that prevent them from bringing their true selves to work (Círico et al., 2025).

This sense of inclusion is strengthened when support is offered not only by peers but also by leadership and the company (Cancela et al., 2024; Dydrakis, 2024). For trans employees to feel a genuine sense of belonging and remain within organizations, HRM must design and implement concrete, measurable actions that can be regularly evaluated for effectiveness.

This study adopts an exploratory and descriptive approach and uses a documentary analysis strategy. As mentioned earlier, the study focuses on the sustainability reports of the 75 companies listed on IDIVERSA B3, an index created by the Brazilian Stock Exchange to highlight companies committed to gender and racial diversity. In addition to these reports, the analysis extends to the companies' official websites and their posts on Instagram to evaluate the degree of their commitment to the inclusion and retention of trans individuals in the labor market.

In Brazil, legal protection for LGBTQIAPN+ people is fragmented and recent. The criminalization of LGBTphobia occurred in 2019 through a decision by the Federal Supreme Court, equating it to the crime of racism based on Law 7,716 of 1989 (Brazil, 1989). The right to use a social name and to change one's first name and gender on civil documents without the need for surgery was guaranteed in 2018. However, there are no systematic public policies for the inclusion of transgender people in the formal labor market (Benevides, 2026; Círico et al., 2025).

In this context, IDIVERSA B3 represents an initiative to measure gender and racial diversity in the Brazilian capital market. Launched by B3 (the Brazilian Stock Exchange) in August 2023, the index identifies the 75 publicly traded companies with the best gender and racial diversity practices based on criteria related to the composition of the workforce, internal diversity policies, transparency in the disclosure of demographic data, and inclusion initiatives (B3, 2023). We chose this index as our analytical corpus because it represents the official corporate benchmark for diversity in Brazil and because the companies listed on IDIVERSA B3 have a public commitment to diversity inclusion. Choosing this index allows us to assess the gaps between corporate discourse and practice.

It is important to note that the analysis of self-reported institutional documents has inherent limitations: organizations tend to present favorable narratives, omitting contradictions and flaws (Ahmed, 2012). This study does not seek to evaluate the effectiveness of practices in everyday organizational life but rather to analyze the limits and contradictions of corporate discourse on the inclusion of trans professionals, contributing to an understanding of how Brazilian organizations perform diversity commitments in their official communication channels.

Sustainability reports covering the 2023 calendar year and published in 2024 were retrieved directly from the “Investor Relations” sections of the companies' websites, as they represent the most up-to-date material available during the research period. Of the 75 companies listed on the index, 63 (84%) published their 2023 ESG/Sustainability reports.

To identify references to the inclusion of gender-diverse individuals, five search terms were employed across the documents: “gender,” “transgender,” “travesti,” “transmasculine,” and “non-binary,” all in their Portuguese equivalents. The selection of these five search terms was based on Brazilian literature on transgender identity diversity from an inclusive perspective, considering the terms and concepts applied in the Brazilian context (Benevides, 2026; Círico et al., 2025; Galvão et al., 2025).

The analysis of the reports was conducted in two stages. Initially, a manual review of each document was performed, followed by using ChatPDF software, which enabled a complementary analysis by allowing targeted questions about the textual content of the reports. Of the 63 companies that published ESG reports for the 2023 calendar year, only 20 (32%) companies explicitly mentioned initiatives and actions related to the inclusion and retention of transgender individuals in the workplace. This indicates a relatively low number of Brazilian organizations that are openly trans-inclusive.

Consequently, the analysis focused on these 20 companies. Although ESG reports are publicly available because of the companies' publicly traded status, we have preserved the anonymity of the organizations by not disclosing the brand names. This also reinforces the research focus: corporate practices aimed at fostering inclusion and ensuring the permanence of transgender and non-binary individuals within these companies.

Figure 1 presents the sectoral division of the 20 companies analyzed according to the sectors of B3, the Brazilian stock exchange, and a description of each sector in the Brazilian context.

Figure 1
A table shows classification of twenty companies by sector with descriptions and counts.The table consists of ten rows and three columns labeled from left to right as follows: “Sector”, “Description”, and “N”. Row 1: Sector: “Cyclical Consumption”. Description: “Business sectors where products or services have demand influenced by the economic cycle, for example: Food Wholesale and Retail; Clothing; Animal Products and Sporting Goods”. N: “4”. Row 2: Sector: “Non-Cyclical Consumption”. Description: “This sector includes companies that offer products or services with constant demand, regardless of the economic cycle, such as Beers and Soft Drinks, and Pharmacies”. N: “3”. Row 3: Sector: “Financial”. Description: “It covers financial institutions and companies related to financial services, such as Commercial Banks and Stock Exchanges”. N: “5”. Row 4: Sector: “Health”. Description: “Includes companies that provide medical, hospital, and laboratory services, such as Analysis”. N: “1”. Row 5: Sector: “Industrial Goods”. Description: “These are companies that produce goods used in the production of other goods or services, such as Transportation using roads and Various Services”. N: “2”. Row 6: Sector: “Information Technology”. Description: “Represents companies that develop or provide technology-related products and services, such as software development services”. N: “1”. Row 7: Sector: “Basic Materials”. Description: “These are companies that produce raw materials used in various sectors of the economy, such as Civil Construction with Real Estate Incorporation”. N: “1”. Row 8: Sector: “Oil, Gas, and Biofuels”. Description: “These are companies that operate in the exploration, production, and distribution of oil, natural gas, and biofuels, such as Fuel Distributors”. N: “1”. Row 9: Sector: “Education”. Description: “Includes companies that offer educational services at different levels of education, such as schools specializing in educational services”. N: “1”. Row 10: Sector: “Other section”. Description: “Companies that do not fit into the categories above or have diversified activities, such as real estate exploration activities”. N: “1”. A note at the bottom left reads N equals 20 companies.

Company sectors

Figure 1
A table shows classification of twenty companies by sector with descriptions and counts.The table consists of ten rows and three columns labeled from left to right as follows: “Sector”, “Description”, and “N”. Row 1: Sector: “Cyclical Consumption”. Description: “Business sectors where products or services have demand influenced by the economic cycle, for example: Food Wholesale and Retail; Clothing; Animal Products and Sporting Goods”. N: “4”. Row 2: Sector: “Non-Cyclical Consumption”. Description: “This sector includes companies that offer products or services with constant demand, regardless of the economic cycle, such as Beers and Soft Drinks, and Pharmacies”. N: “3”. Row 3: Sector: “Financial”. Description: “It covers financial institutions and companies related to financial services, such as Commercial Banks and Stock Exchanges”. N: “5”. Row 4: Sector: “Health”. Description: “Includes companies that provide medical, hospital, and laboratory services, such as Analysis”. N: “1”. Row 5: Sector: “Industrial Goods”. Description: “These are companies that produce goods used in the production of other goods or services, such as Transportation using roads and Various Services”. N: “2”. Row 6: Sector: “Information Technology”. Description: “Represents companies that develop or provide technology-related products and services, such as software development services”. N: “1”. Row 7: Sector: “Basic Materials”. Description: “These are companies that produce raw materials used in various sectors of the economy, such as Civil Construction with Real Estate Incorporation”. N: “1”. Row 8: Sector: “Oil, Gas, and Biofuels”. Description: “These are companies that operate in the exploration, production, and distribution of oil, natural gas, and biofuels, such as Fuel Distributors”. N: “1”. Row 9: Sector: “Education”. Description: “Includes companies that offer educational services at different levels of education, such as schools specializing in educational services”. N: “1”. Row 10: Sector: “Other section”. Description: “Companies that do not fit into the categories above or have diversified activities, such as real estate exploration activities”. N: “1”. A note at the bottom left reads N equals 20 companies.

Company sectors

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The financial sector has a large share of the companies included in IDIVERSA 3, with the participation of several banks. Thus, it is expected that these companies will represent a large part of the actions that promote the inclusion and retention of trans people in the job market in Brazil.

For the website analysis, the five search terms “gender,” “transgender,” “travesti,” “transmasculine,” and “non-binary” were used within each company's search function. This analysis revealed that only eight companies provided additional information regarding actions and initiatives aimed at the inclusion and retention of transgender individuals in the workplace.

All the posts from each organization's official account on Instagram were examined, and it was found that only three companies explicitly addressed the importance of including transgender people in the labor market. Consequently, all 20 corporate Instagram profiles were analyzed, with a focus on posts published on January 28, 29, and 30, the days immediately preceding, during, and following Brazil's National Transgender Visibility Day, to assess whether companies publicly acknowledged or took a stand on the occasion.

The corpus of analysis comprises information collected from the three data sources: ESG reports, official websites, and Instagram profiles of the 20 companies that explicitly mentioned initiatives and actions related to the inclusion and retention of transgender individuals during the initial stage of the study. It explores the nuances and contradictions among companies' disclosures, narratives, and positioning using these data sources and between empirics and theory.

To classify the corporate actions reported, we used the following analytical criteria: (1) access actions: initiatives that facilitate the entry of transgender people into the labor market, including affirmative action job openings, inclusive selection processes, training for recruitment and selection teams, and partnerships with transgender community organizations; (2) retention actions: internal policies that contribute to the retention and professional development of already employed transgender people, including actions on the protection of the use of social names in the company, the use of inclusive bathrooms and locker rooms with security, support for document rectification, support for gender transition, affinity groups, and channels for reporting transphobia and other forms of discrimination. The practices and policies identified across these categories offer valuable insights for significantly improving human resources strategies and promoting more inclusive organizational environments.

Following the collection and analysis of information from 2023 ESG reports, official websites, and posts on each company's Instagram profile, a contradiction between theory and practice emerged. Although all the analyzed companies are listed on a gender and race diversity index, the IDIVERSA B3, which suggests a concrete commitment to diversity, the initial reality observed is otherwise. As mentioned earlier, of the 63 companies that published ESG reports, only 20 disclosed specific actions aimed at the inclusion and retention of transgender individuals in the Brazilian labor market. This discrepancy might raise questions about the reliability of the diversity index itself.

Among the various market segments analyzed, the banking and financial sector appears to be the most engaged in promoting actions aimed at the inclusion and retention of transgender individuals in Brazilian workplaces. From the research data, as stated before, two key categories were identified as determining factors in the employability of trans people: (1) access, encompassing corporate actions aimed at facilitating access to job opportunities, and (2) retention, targeted to corporate actions focused on the retention of transgender employees in the workplace.

Figure 2 presents the main corporate actions reported by organizations to promote access for transgender people in the labor market. Next to each inclusive action, the number of companies (out of a total of 20) that have specific actions for the inclusion of transgender people in the formal labor market is indicated.

Figure 2
A table shows company actions to support transgender job market access with counts.The table consists of seven rows and two columns arranged from left to right and labeled “Actions to access the job market” and “N”. Row 1: Actions to access the job market: “Offering job vacancies exclusively for transgender individuals as a form of affirmative action to promote equitable access to the labor market”. N: “18”. Row 2: Actions to access the job market: “Implementing courses and training programs on gender identity diversity specifically tailored for recruitment and selection teams, as well as Human Resources managers, to promote equitable hiring practices and inclusive leadership”. N: “15”. Row 3: Actions to access the job market: “Establishing partnerships with transgender community collectives and non-profit organizations to support company-wide education through lectures, guidance, and training on Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Belonging”. N: “10”. Row 4: Actions to access the job market: “Implementation of blind resumes as a strategy to reduce unconscious bias from the recruitment and selection stage. These resumes contain only information related to the candidate’s skills and professional experience, omitting personal details such as gender identity, full name, and other identifying characteristics”. N: “1”. Row 5: Actions to access the job market: “Professional training programs tailored for transgender individuals are implemented alongside hiring practices that prioritize candidates who meet job requirements because of the training received”. N: “1”. Row 6: Actions to access the job market: “In recruitment and selection processes that require registration, the inclusion of a designated field for the Social Name allows transgender individuals in the Brazilian context who have not yet legally rectified their name to present themselves using the name with which they identify and feel comfortable”. N: “3”. Row 7: Actions to access the job market: “Conducting interviews that avoid the reproduction of prejudices, stereotypes, and discriminatory attitudes toward transgender job applicants, ensuring that no questions are asked based on personal characteristics unrelated to professional qualifications”. N: “4”. Last line shows a Note: “This number represents the total number of companies that have implemented each of these initiatives to promote access for transgender people in the job market”.

Trans-inclusive business actions

Figure 2
A table shows company actions to support transgender job market access with counts.The table consists of seven rows and two columns arranged from left to right and labeled “Actions to access the job market” and “N”. Row 1: Actions to access the job market: “Offering job vacancies exclusively for transgender individuals as a form of affirmative action to promote equitable access to the labor market”. N: “18”. Row 2: Actions to access the job market: “Implementing courses and training programs on gender identity diversity specifically tailored for recruitment and selection teams, as well as Human Resources managers, to promote equitable hiring practices and inclusive leadership”. N: “15”. Row 3: Actions to access the job market: “Establishing partnerships with transgender community collectives and non-profit organizations to support company-wide education through lectures, guidance, and training on Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Belonging”. N: “10”. Row 4: Actions to access the job market: “Implementation of blind resumes as a strategy to reduce unconscious bias from the recruitment and selection stage. These resumes contain only information related to the candidate’s skills and professional experience, omitting personal details such as gender identity, full name, and other identifying characteristics”. N: “1”. Row 5: Actions to access the job market: “Professional training programs tailored for transgender individuals are implemented alongside hiring practices that prioritize candidates who meet job requirements because of the training received”. N: “1”. Row 6: Actions to access the job market: “In recruitment and selection processes that require registration, the inclusion of a designated field for the Social Name allows transgender individuals in the Brazilian context who have not yet legally rectified their name to present themselves using the name with which they identify and feel comfortable”. N: “3”. Row 7: Actions to access the job market: “Conducting interviews that avoid the reproduction of prejudices, stereotypes, and discriminatory attitudes toward transgender job applicants, ensuring that no questions are asked based on personal characteristics unrelated to professional qualifications”. N: “4”. Last line shows a Note: “This number represents the total number of companies that have implemented each of these initiatives to promote access for transgender people in the job market”.

Trans-inclusive business actions

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Figure 3 presents the corporate actions that organizations reported contributing to the permanence and retention of transgender talent in the labor market, fostering a sense of belonging within the work environment. These actions and policies are embedded in companies' internal policies and were highlighted by the organizations as part of their internal diversity, equity, inclusion, and empowerment policies, in which the human resources department plays a central role. With one exception, no other action or policy was disclosed that specifically addressed the career progression of transgender people or promoted their representation in leadership positions.

Figure 3
A table shows corporate actions to retain transgender employees with counts.The table consists of seven rows and two columns labeled from left to right “Actions to remain in the job market” and “N”. Row 1: Actions to remain in the job market: “Providing ongoing training on gender identity diversity for the entire Human Resources team to enhance awareness, reduce bias, and foster inclusive organizational practices”. N: “15”. Row 2: Actions to remain in the job market: “Issuing a social identification badge for transgender employees who use a social name, including their chosen name and corresponding personal pronouns (feminine, masculine, and slash or neutral), as a measure of respect and recognition of their gender identity”. N: “3”. Row 3: Actions to remain in the job market: “Provision of financial support in foreign languages and technology, as well as for undergraduate, master’s, and doctoral studies, to encourage the professional development and career advancement of transgender individuals”. N: “7”. Row 4: Actions to remain in the job market: “Establishment of affinity groups within the company to promote discussions on the retention, sense of belonging, and professional advancement of transgender employees. Additionally, the creation of dedicated ombudsman channels to receive and address complaints from transgender employees in cases of workplace transphobia”. N: “6”. Row 5: Actions to remain in the job market: “Full financial support provided by the company for the legal name and gender marker rectification process on all civil documents, in accordance with the self-identified name and gender of the transgender employee”. N: “3”. Row 6: Actions to remain in the job market: “Provision of health insurance and financial support for gender affirmation procedures, when necessary for transgender employees. This includes access to surgeries such as sexual reassignment, masculinizing mammoplasty, and facial feminization, as well as support for hormone therapies (both feminizing and masculinizing) and psychotherapy”. N: “1”. Row 7: Actions to remain in the job market: “Implementation of trans-inclusive bathrooms and changing rooms within the company, and slash or installation of signage affirming the right of transgender individuals to use these facilities, with references to national and state legislation that criminalizes transphobia”. N: “3”. Last line shows Note: “This number represents the total number of companies that have implemented each of these initiatives to contribute to the retention of transgender people in the job market”.

Trans-inclusive business actions

Figure 3
A table shows corporate actions to retain transgender employees with counts.The table consists of seven rows and two columns labeled from left to right “Actions to remain in the job market” and “N”. Row 1: Actions to remain in the job market: “Providing ongoing training on gender identity diversity for the entire Human Resources team to enhance awareness, reduce bias, and foster inclusive organizational practices”. N: “15”. Row 2: Actions to remain in the job market: “Issuing a social identification badge for transgender employees who use a social name, including their chosen name and corresponding personal pronouns (feminine, masculine, and slash or neutral), as a measure of respect and recognition of their gender identity”. N: “3”. Row 3: Actions to remain in the job market: “Provision of financial support in foreign languages and technology, as well as for undergraduate, master’s, and doctoral studies, to encourage the professional development and career advancement of transgender individuals”. N: “7”. Row 4: Actions to remain in the job market: “Establishment of affinity groups within the company to promote discussions on the retention, sense of belonging, and professional advancement of transgender employees. Additionally, the creation of dedicated ombudsman channels to receive and address complaints from transgender employees in cases of workplace transphobia”. N: “6”. Row 5: Actions to remain in the job market: “Full financial support provided by the company for the legal name and gender marker rectification process on all civil documents, in accordance with the self-identified name and gender of the transgender employee”. N: “3”. Row 6: Actions to remain in the job market: “Provision of health insurance and financial support for gender affirmation procedures, when necessary for transgender employees. This includes access to surgeries such as sexual reassignment, masculinizing mammoplasty, and facial feminization, as well as support for hormone therapies (both feminizing and masculinizing) and psychotherapy”. N: “1”. Row 7: Actions to remain in the job market: “Implementation of trans-inclusive bathrooms and changing rooms within the company, and slash or installation of signage affirming the right of transgender individuals to use these facilities, with references to national and state legislation that criminalizes transphobia”. N: “3”. Last line shows Note: “This number represents the total number of companies that have implemented each of these initiatives to contribute to the retention of transgender people in the job market”.

Trans-inclusive business actions

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Corporate actions aimed at the inclusion and retention of trans people in the job market, as observed in the 20 Brazilian companies studied, corroborate existing research on the fundamental role of human resources in promoting diversity (Círico et al., 2025; Dydrakis, 2024; Galvão et al., 2025). In addition to incorporating diversity management into their internal policies, organizations are increasingly expected to implement concrete measures to include trans people, support the attraction and retention of trans talent, and promote their professional development. However, the level of inclusivity in the 20 companies was low, with more actions aimed at hiring but few actions to retain trans talent in the companies, with all actions being informational in nature for learning for all companies.

The analysis of Figures 2 and 3 reveals a significant asymmetry between access and retention actions. While 18 of the 20 companies (90%) offer affirmative action positions for transgender people, a highly visible external action with low implementation costs, only one company (5%) offers support for gender affirmation procedures, a high-cost action that is fundamental for the retention and well-being of transgender employees. This discrepancy may reveal that many companies adopt a “diversity recruitment” approach without corresponding “diversity management” (Hennekam & Köllen, 2023). The hiring of transgender people serves primarily for external legitimization purposes, in accordance with ESG and brand positioning, while investment in policies that guarantee their permanence, development, and well-being is significantly lower.

We note that low-specificity actions, such as “training on gender identity diversity” (15 companies), lack detail on content, frequency, target audience, and effectiveness metrics, suggesting a more performative than transformative character. In contrast, highly specific and measurable actions, such as financial support for document rectification (3 companies) or the implementation of anonymous resumes (1 company), are rare, indicating that most organizations have not advanced beyond symbolic gestures.

Regarding the representation of trans people in the companies analyzed, the data provided in the ESG reports show a limited presence, corroborating the thesis of organizational selective diversity: even companies that report trans-inclusive initiatives maintain a minimal presence of transgender people on staff, suggesting that the announced actions do not translate into significant structural changes in the composition of the workforce.

The results indicate that in companies that reported actions focused on access and retention, the number of trans employees does not exceed 1% of the total workforce. This suggests that when hiring LGBTQIAPN+ people, companies tend to prioritize the inclusion of cisgender, lesbian women, gay men, and bisexual people. Furthermore, an analysis of sustainability reports reveals that most corporate initiatives related to the inclusion of people from the LGBTQIAPN+ community are primarily mentioned in relation to sexual orientation, such as support for same-sex marriage and anti-homophobia measures, rather than gender, thus lacking the promotion of actions for the inclusion of diverse gender identities.

Regarding the profile of trans-inclusive versus trans-exclusionary companies, the results indicate that, in the Brazilian context, specifically among publicly traded companies listed on the IDIVERSA B3 index, the financial sector, especially banking institutions, demonstrates the largest number of initiatives aimed at the inclusion and retention of trans people in the job market. Next comes the cyclical consumer sector with opportunities to work in subsectors of food retail, clothing stores, sporting goods stores, and animal products, with vacancies for customer service.

Conversely, the agribusiness and energy sectors in Brazil appear to be the least inclusive regarding the employment of trans individuals. This highlights the need for further research into the perception of cisgender managers in these industries concerning the relevance and importance of transgender inclusion in the labor market. It is also important to note that, even within companies identified as trans-inclusive, trans individuals do not occupy executive or leadership positions; rather, they remain positioned at the lower levels of the organizational hierarchy.

Regarding corporate positioning on social media, the identified posts were specifically published in recognition of Brazil's National Transgender Day of Visibility, observed annually on January 29. It was also noted that most companies that did not address the occasion on their official Instagram profiles had posts on January 28 and resumed activity only on January 30, suggesting a deliberate omission or lack of engagement with the date dedicated to transgender visibility in the country. In terms of the analysis of the companies' official websites, the publications were intended to reinforce the information contained in the sustainability reports on policies to support diversity in the workplace. Additionally, the analysis of the companies' official websites contributed to a better understanding of exclusive vacancies for trans people.

Companies have taken more actions to include transgender people in the job market; however, there is a demand for expansion, mainly in relation to permanence in companies, considering the social reality and the specific demands of transgender people regarding correct pronoun treatment, the possibility of using social names in registrations and on badges, implementation of inclusive bathrooms, in addition to legal and medical support programs for gender affirmation, as well as psychotherapy support for transgender professionals in companies.

The findings reveal how cisnormativity (Anderson, 2023) operates through organizational selective diversity. By including cisgender LGB people and excluding trans people, organizations reinforce the notion that only certain gender identities are “acceptable” in the corporate environment. This selectivity is not accidental but structural, reflecting a hierarchy of identities in which those closest to the cisgender norm, even if dissident in sexual orientation, are more easily assimilated into the dominant organizational culture.

By including only cisgender men and women in their DEIB agendas, these companies demonstrate a selective approach to workplace diversity. This selectivity reinforces organizational preferences for specific profiles deemed acceptable for professional inclusion while excluding others. In this context, the desired profile in cisnormative companies (Anderson, 2023) is predominantly that of white, cisgender, non-disabled men. Our analysis of the corporate reports reveals that cisgender gay and bisexual men have been able to attain higher-ranking positions, including executive roles, as their cisgender and male identities conform to stereotypical and cisnormative ideals and expectations that are still dominant in organizational culture, representative of a male cisnormative narcissist pact, which is analogous to the whiteness narcissist pact, as proposed by Cida Bento (2022).

The absence of inclusion and organizational positioning extends beyond the content disclosed in ESG reports. Notably, during the National Day of Trans Visibility in Brazil, which is celebrated annually on January 29, several companies chose not to engage with the date. Instead, they posted on January 28 and resumed activity on January 30, with content focused on promoting their products, thereby omitting any mention of trans-inclusive actions of support. This silence on a nationally recognized day underscores a broader pattern of superficial commitment to gender diversity within corporate communication strategies.

These findings lead us to question the criteria adopted by B3 for selecting companies to be included in the IDIVERSA B3 index. To what extent do these organizations demonstrate a genuine commitment to the inclusion and retention of trans individuals in the labor market? Moreover, why do certain sectors, particularly agribusiness and energy, consistently fail to implement trans-inclusive practices? Why do several companies listed in this index limit their LGBTQIAPN+ inclusion efforts to cisgender lesbians, gays, and bisexuals, while systematically excluding trans individuals from both discourse and organizational spaces? Such omissions raise concerns about which bodies are deemed acceptable and employable within corporate environments and expose the persistence of cisnormativity in defining the boundaries of workplace inclusion.

The findings and critical questions raised suggest the existence of what Pfeil and Pfeil (2022) describe as the offense of naming, alongside a narcissistic pact of cisgenderism, a complex dynamic that naturalizes cisnormativity while pathologizing trans identities, effectively rendering trans bodies as abnormal and unworthy of inclusion in corporate spaces. The current inclusion and retention agenda for trans individuals in the labor market remains limited and tentative. Even among companies that claim to be trans-inclusive, significant progress is still needed. It necessitates specific support mechanisms and continuous monitoring to prevent workplace prejudice and discrimination. Effective HRM policies must therefore include comprehensive guidelines and protections to ensure that transitioning employees are respected, supported, and retained throughout the process.

Companies can offer various forms of support to employees undergoing gender transition, which are essential for ensuring dignity, equity, and well-being in the workplace. These initiatives may include the following: (1) full or partial financial support for the legal rectification of name and gender on civil documents; (2) provision of comprehensive health insurance; (3) financial assistance, whether partial or total, for gender affirmation surgeries, when desired by the individual; (4) updating names and pronouns on employee badges and in internal human resources systems; and (5) funding for psychological support and hormone therapy. In light of these considerations, we advocate for the formulation of a future research agenda that not only examines the inclusion of trans individuals within organizational contexts but also extends the analytical framework to capture the multifaceted nature of trans identities and experiences in the workplace.

Throughout the development of this research, which is grounded in the Brazilian organizational context, we identified significant gaps in the literature on human resource management as a strategic tool for promoting access, retention, and professional advancement of trans people in the labor market. In response to this demand, we propose in Figure 4 an agenda for future research with four priority areas of investigation and details on possibilities for research with different focuses and methodological approaches.

Figure 4
A table shows research directions and possibilities for organizational diversity and employee experiences.The table consists of four numbered rows listed from top to bottom and two columns labeled from left to right “Research directions”. and “Possibilities”. Row 1: Research directions: “1 Operationalizing Organizational Selective Diversity”. Possibilities: “1.1 Development of validated instruments to measure selective inclusion across multiple dimensions of identity (gender identity, sexual orientation, race, disability) within organizational diversity initiatives from an intersectional perspective. 1.2 Comparative research across national contexts to understand how cultural, legal, and economic factors shape patterns of selective inclusion”. Row 2: Research directions: “2 Examining Cisnormative Structures in H R Practices”. Possibilities: “2.1 Research aimed at understanding how cisnormativity works at the microorganizational level, including: decision-making processes in recruitment and selection, managerial perceptions of the ‘suitability’ of trans employees to the organizational culture, and the role of cisgender privilege in leadership development and career advancement opportunities. 2.2 Qualitative studies involving cisgender men and women who work as H R managers, recruiters, and organizational leaders, to understand the presence or absence of implicit biases and normative assumptions underlying selective diversity”. Row 3: Research directions: “3 Longitudinal Analysis of Trans Employee Experiences”. Possibilities: “3.1 Research focusing on the experiences of transgender employees through longitudinal projects that capture retention, advancement, workplace climate, and the gap between formal policies and daily realities. 3.2 Research using mixed-method approaches, conducting interviews and organizational ethnography to understand the experiences of transgender professionals in cisnormative organizational spaces”. Row 4: Research directions: “4 Critical Evaluation of E S G and Diversity Indices”. Possibilities: “4.1 Research that critically analyzes the criteria used by diversity indices and E S G ratings, organizational self-assessment and external verification mechanisms, and the effectiveness of such indices in driving genuine organizational change”.

Future agenda

Figure 4
A table shows research directions and possibilities for organizational diversity and employee experiences.The table consists of four numbered rows listed from top to bottom and two columns labeled from left to right “Research directions”. and “Possibilities”. Row 1: Research directions: “1 Operationalizing Organizational Selective Diversity”. Possibilities: “1.1 Development of validated instruments to measure selective inclusion across multiple dimensions of identity (gender identity, sexual orientation, race, disability) within organizational diversity initiatives from an intersectional perspective. 1.2 Comparative research across national contexts to understand how cultural, legal, and economic factors shape patterns of selective inclusion”. Row 2: Research directions: “2 Examining Cisnormative Structures in H R Practices”. Possibilities: “2.1 Research aimed at understanding how cisnormativity works at the microorganizational level, including: decision-making processes in recruitment and selection, managerial perceptions of the ‘suitability’ of trans employees to the organizational culture, and the role of cisgender privilege in leadership development and career advancement opportunities. 2.2 Qualitative studies involving cisgender men and women who work as H R managers, recruiters, and organizational leaders, to understand the presence or absence of implicit biases and normative assumptions underlying selective diversity”. Row 3: Research directions: “3 Longitudinal Analysis of Trans Employee Experiences”. Possibilities: “3.1 Research focusing on the experiences of transgender employees through longitudinal projects that capture retention, advancement, workplace climate, and the gap between formal policies and daily realities. 3.2 Research using mixed-method approaches, conducting interviews and organizational ethnography to understand the experiences of transgender professionals in cisnormative organizational spaces”. Row 4: Research directions: “4 Critical Evaluation of E S G and Diversity Indices”. Possibilities: “4.1 Research that critically analyzes the criteria used by diversity indices and E S G ratings, organizational self-assessment and external verification mechanisms, and the effectiveness of such indices in driving genuine organizational change”.

Future agenda

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We reiterate our invitation to cisgender researchers to engage in critical-aware self-reflection and to explicitly name cisgender identity as a gender modality in their academic work. This includes acknowledging the social privileges associated with gender identity, which often affords greater access to institutional and organizational spaces. Only through this recognition and accountability can genuine progress be made toward equity and inclusion for trans people in the workplace.

Trans scholars exist within universities and conduct research grounded in our lived experiences and trajectories in organizational contexts. Accordingly, we extend this invitation to cisgender scholars in the fields of organizational studies and HRM to collaborate with us, not only to include our voices but also to stand alongside us, especially in investigations that concern our bodies, histories, and professional paths.

Gender awareness is a transformative and necessary action, yet it remains largely absent from organizational and HRM literature, particularly in relation to the need for literacy, critical awareness, positionality, recognition of cisgender privilege, and the active role of cisgender allies in transforming organizations into trans-inclusive, welcoming, and respectful environments.

This study aimed to identify the factors determining the inclusion and retention of transgender individuals in the labor market by analyzing the information disclosed in the sustainability reports, official websites, and social media profiles of companies listed on the IDIVERSA B3 Index, the Brazilian stock exchange's diversity index. The analysis revealed that, among the 75 companies listed in this index, only 20 reported actions aimed at the inclusion and permanence of trans individuals in the workplace.

Based on the results, a reference matrix of corporate actions was developed and organized into two categories: (1) actions that promote access to the job market and (2) actions that support the permanence of trans individuals in organizational environments. The research revealed that, within the Brazilian context, the financial and information technology sectors demonstrate the highest number of initiatives aimed at including trans people in the labor market. In contrast, companies in the agribusiness and energy sectors were identified as lacking trans-inclusive actions, opting instead to include only cisgender individuals, specifically heterosexual, lesbian, gay, and bisexual cisgender individuals who conform to cisheteronormative corporate expectations and ideals.

Among the trans-inclusive actions identified, the following stand out: offering job vacancies exclusively for trans individuals; conducting interviews free from prejudice and discriminatory attitudes; allowing the use of a social name both during the recruitment process and in company records; providing financial support and vocational training opportunities; and establishing trans-inclusive bathrooms and changing rooms, including signage that affirms trans people's right to use these facilities in accordance with national and state laws that criminalize transphobia.

These initiatives are crucial for ensuring the inclusion, retention, and professional advancement of trans individuals in the Brazilian labor market. Based on the results, this study offers a critique of the policy of selective inclusion regarding gender diversity, a pattern found in most organizations listed on the IDIVERSA B3 Index. While these companies tend to include cisgender individuals, they systematically exclude trans people from organizational spaces, failing to recognize them as legitimate participants in the corporate environment. Finally, we propose an agenda for future research, presenting ten guiding questions that can inform organizational studies and support more inclusive human resource management practices.

Our study contributes to ongoing debates in organizational studies and HRM by demonstrating how selective organizational diversity operates in Brazilian companies and revealing gaps between ESG discourse and substantive inclusion practices. Future research would benefit from collaborative approaches that recognize transgender researchers as co-producers of knowledge, rather than merely viewing them as subjects of investigation, aligning with calls for a more reflective and epistemologically inclusive academia in diversity studies.

It is essential to recognize that transgender people exist and persevere in universities in Brazil and abroad, in administration and countless other fields of knowledge, as undergraduate and graduate students, doctors, university professors, and researchers. Therefore, cisgender researchers should not view transgender people as objects of study but rather recognize their potential as subjects of knowledge. Nothing about trans people without the participation of trans people.

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