The ethics of eating: how do lifestyle politics shape tourists’ ethical food consumption behaviours?

Food consumption is a key focus of Sustainable Development Goal 12 (SDG 12), which calls for more sustainable production and consumption by addressing issues such as climate change, biodiversity loss, obesity and food waste (Cozzio et al., 2020; Gössling and Hall, 2022). In tourism and hospitality, these concerns are particularly visible because food consumption is both integral to the travel experience and a context where consumers encounter ethical, environmental and social dilemmas (Gössling and Hall, 2022; Liu et al., 2014; Orea-Giner and Fusté-Forné, 2023; Sharma et al., 2022). Travellers are often required to make food choices in unfamiliar environments, where such decisions are entangled with cultural practices, economic inequalities and ecological consequences. These circumstances make tourism a critical arena for examining how individuals respond to broader sustainability concerns through their consumption behaviour. Ethical concerns involve animal welfare, labour rights and fairness in production and distribution systems (Taheri et al., 2024). Environmental concerns pertain to the ecological consequences of food systems, including emissions, land degradation, water usage and biodiversity loss (Gössling and Hall, 2022). Social concerns include the right to food, equitable labour conditions and the broader implications of food access and nutrition for community well-being (Hall, 2020). The concept of sustainability integrates all these domains.

Food consumption in tourism is relevant for examining these overlapping concerns because it links everyday routines with ethical values in highly visible and decision-heavy contexts. Food choice is a site of intense moral reflection and contestation during travel, where selections are shaped not only by taste and habit but also by ethical and political values (Halkier, 2016). Food consumption can reflect broader value commitments, particularly when individuals attempt to act on issues such as social justice, environmental sustainability and/or responsible sourcing (Halkier, 2022; Orea-Giner and Fusté-Forné, 2023; Sharma et al., 2022). This focus is explained by the concept of political consumerism, which refers to the use of market-based choices – such as buying or avoiding certain products – as a means of influencing production systems and their ethical, environmental and social consequences (Stolle et al., 2005; Boström et al., 2019). In food consumption, political consumerism reflects decisions oriented toward reducing harm (e.g. avoiding battery-farmed meat), supporting fairness (e.g. buying Fair Trade) and promoting sustainability goals (e.g. purchasing organic products) (Halkier, 2016, 2022). These choices are often driven by long-term ethical commitments that extend beyond personal satisfaction or dietary habit. These practices reflect what Bennett (1998) termed “lifestyle politics” – a form of political expression that is enacted through routine choices in everyday life. Lifestyle politics are not restricted to formal settings such as elections but instead take shape through personal practices, including diet, mobility and consumption (De Moor, 2017). Tourism represents a distinctive site for such lifestyle-based political expression, given the constant and visible negotiation of personal values, market constraints and cultural unfamiliarity (Seyfi et al., 2023). In tourism, political food consumerism is shaped both by intention and by context: tourists may want to act ethically, but they must often do so under conditions of uncertainty, constraint or conflict.

Despite growing attention to sustainable food practices (e.g. Cozzio et al., 2020; Gössling and Hall, 2022; Okumus, 2021; Yeoman and McMahon-Beatte, 2016), research on political consumerism in tourism remains limited. While studies have explored consumer behaviour around organic, local and Fair Trade foods (Balıkçıoğlu Dedeoğlu et al., 2022; Boström et al., 2019; Stolle et al., 2005), they have rarely examined how tourists carry political and ethical commitments into travel settings or how these commitments are affected by the tourism experience. Little is known about how tourists make food-related decisions when faced with restricted availability, conflicting ethical frameworks or unfamiliar supply chains (Seyfi et al., 2024). The emotional, practical and value-driven aspects of political food consumerism in tourism are underexamined, including how tourists feel about their decisions, their compromises and how they interpret their behaviour as political or moral action.

This study addresses these gaps by applying the lifestyle politics theory (Bennett, 2012) to explore how political food consumerism operates within the tourism context. This theoretical lens positions consumption as a form of political action that is performed in everyday life, shaped by values, habits and structural limitations (de Moor, 2017). We focus on tourists who self-identify as politically motivated food consumers and investigate how they carry their ethical, environmental and social commitments into their travel practices. To do so, we conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews with participants who consider their ethical food choices as part of their broader political identity. This study contributes to tourism and hospitality scholarship by identifying food as a key domain where political consumerism unfolds and by clarifying how ethical, environmental and social sustainability concerns are negotiated by consumers in travel contexts. It offers new insight into how tourist consumption provides a platform for ethical and political engagement. In doing so, the study advances debates on sustainability, consumer agency and the politics of tourism. It also offers practical insights into how foodservice providers in tourism and hospitality can better respond to the growing expectations of politically and ethically conscious tourists.

Political consumerism focuses on how individuals use their purchasing power to express political, ethical and environmental concerns (Copeland and Boulianne, 2022). Political consumers, often referred to as “consumer citizens” or “citizen-consumers”, address civic issues such as justice, sustainability and societal well-being through their purchasing decisions, reflecting a form of citizenship in which personal choices are imbued with ethical and societal impact (Boström et al., 2019). From a broader perspective, political consumption signifies a shift towards individualised political participation that integrates justice, sustainability, animal welfare and other societal concerns (Bennett, 2012). Supporters of political consumerism argue that it empowers citizens to influence governments, corporations and public awareness through individualised collective action (Stolle and Micheletti, 2013). However, critics suggest that systemic political measures may be more effective, as the complexities of daily life can hinder consistent ethical choices (Jacobsen and Dulsrud, 2007).

Food is closely tied to politics because of questions about access, distribution and rights. This has led to the idea of political food consumerism (Stolle et al., 2005). Many studies have since explored how this plays out in different situations. For instance, Santaoja and Jallinoja (2021) view political consumerism as a way for individuals to establish social ties and construct food-based identities. Stolle et al. (2005) frame food choices as acts of civic engagement, portraying consumers as political agents who influence societal welfare through their everyday decisions. Ranta and Ichijo (2022) explore how food promotion and consumption act as expressions of political nationalism, reflecting broader cultural and political ideologies. Kennedy et al. (2018) emphasise the role of local food activists in challenging industrial food systems and promoting collective sustainability efforts, demonstrating how political consumerism can drive systemic change. Saraiva et al. (2021), applying Bauman’s concept of “liquid modernity”, identify three key political dimensions of organic food consumption: production, localism and activism, interpreting organic practices as forms of ecological and political resistance. Gundelach (2020) suggests that political consumerism plays a critical role in the Global South. For example, Mak and Poon (2024) demonstrate how food-related activism and digital consumerism shaped Hong Kong’s pro-democracy “yellow” economy. In this case, food influencers used their platforms to share political messages and shape how people buy food, showing that political food consumerism can take many forms across the world.

Political consumerism in tourism and hospitality is the use of market choices, such as selecting destinations, accommodations or food services, to advocate for ethical, environmental or political values (Stolle and Micheletti, 2013; Seyfi et al., 2023). This phenomenon reflects tourists’ alignment of their travel choices with their ethical and political commitments (Sharma et al., 2024; Sirakaya-Turk et al., 2024). Political consumerism in food consumption manifests in four key forms: boycotts, buycotts, discursive actions and lifestyle politics. Boycotts involve avoiding restaurants associated with unethical practices, such as worker exploitation or excessive food waste (Seyfi and Hall, 2020). Conversely, buycotts encourage supporting businesses that align with ethical values, such as those sourcing fair trade ingredients or using sustainable food preparation practices (Seyfi et al., 2023). Discursive actions, such as social media campaigns or tourist reviews, also play an important role in tourism and hospitality, promoting businesses that align with tourist values or criticising those that fail to meet ethical standards. Lifestyle politics, the integration of political and ethical values into everyday choices, plays a transformative role in shaping tourism-related food systems. Defined as “the politicisation of everyday life, including ethically, morally or politically inspired decisions” (de Moor, 2017, p. 181), lifestyle politics emphasises that personal choices – such as what tourists eat, where they dine or the type of food experiences they seek – are inherently political acts (de Moor, 2017).

Within the food tourism context, lifestyle politics is reflected in practices such as veganism, Slow Food and sustainable dining, which contest mainstream consumption patterns and advocate for sustainability (Bertella, 2018, 2020a, 2020b). These trends are particularly visible in food tourism, where ethical and political considerations shape consumer behaviour and influence industry practices (Hall, 2020). For example, the deliberate embrace of food tourism experiences like visiting organic farms or dining at vegan-friendly restaurants enables tourists to express their values while challenging industrialised food systems. In doing so, tourists contribute to the development of hospitality offerings, encouraging businesses to prioritise ethical and sustainable practices. Lifestyle politics, then, not only shapes how individuals travel but can also influence tourism and hospitality businesses by affecting what people want and encouraging more thoughtful ways of operating (Dobernig and Stagl, 2015).

Guided by the theoretical lens of lifestyle politics, the study examines how tourists express their political and ethical values through food consumption and practices. In tourism, eating and food choices are not merely acts of sustenance but also opportunities for tourists to express their political and ethical commitments (Letourneau and Pigeon, 2023; Orea-Giner, 2023; Taheri et al., 2024). Within hospitality, the role of food as a site of political consumerism is magnified by the industry’s influence on global supply chains and sustainability outcomes. Ethical food choices in tourism have implications for reducing food waste, supporting local producers and promoting fair labour practices (Gössling and Hall, 2022). As Bertella (2020b) argues, food-related activism often seeks to advance political justice, environmental awareness and sustainability, encouraging tourists to reconsider their consumption practices and to prioritise choices that benefit both health and the environment.

This study is grounded in a constructivist ontology and interpretivist epistemology. Constructivism posits that reality is socially constructed and subjective, meaning that individuals’ perceptions and experiences shape their understanding of the world (Charmaz, 2017). Constructivism supports the idea that political food consumers have unique and context-specific experiences that shape their motivations, knowledge and practices (Charmaz, 2017). By adopting an interpretivist epistemology, the study seeks to understand these experiences from the participants’ perspectives, focusing on how they interpret and give meaning to their food choices as ethical and political acts (Stolle et al., 2005). By focusing on participants’ subjective experiences, the study aims to provide rich, detailed insights into how individuals engage with political food consumption as a form of lifestyle politics (Saraiva et al., 2021).

Aligned with the study’s ontological and epistemological foundations, a qualitative research design was adopted, with semi-structured interviews as the primary method of data collection. This approach enabled a detailed exploration of tourists’ ethical food consumption during travel, focusing on their values, decision-making processes and practical challenges. The interview guide was informed by previous research on political consumerism and lifestyle politics (e.g. Boström et al., 2019; Dobernig and Stagl, 2015; Halkier and Holm, 2008; Seyfi et al., 2023) and adapted to the tourism context. The interviews began with broad, open-ended questions about participants’ general food choices during travel and how these compare with their everyday habits.

Interviews explored how participants made sense of their political, environmental and ethical commitments while dealing with unfamiliar food environments. Discussions also centred on how they selected restaurants and food providers that aligned with their principles, whether and how they avoided or supported certain businesses based on ethical considerations and the strategies they used to sustain their practices while away from home. Participants also reflected on how their food choices related to broader personal values, the perceived social and environmental impacts of their consumption and how their experiences affected their enjoyment and sense of fulfilment while travelling. The role of social media in expressing and sharing these commitments was also addressed, particularly in terms of its influence on both individual choices and wider engagement with political food issues. Follow-up questions invited elaboration on specific beliefs, difficulties and emotional responses. The interviews concluded by inviting any additional reflections. This format ensured consistency across interviews while allowing space for participants to reflect in their own words. Figure 1 provides a summary of the research approach and development.

This study uses purposeful sampling to recruit potential tourists actively engaged in political food consumption. This sampling approach was chosen to ensure the collection of in-depth, meaningful data from individuals who are most knowledgeable about the topic, thus enhancing the quality and applicability of the findings (Campbell et al., 2020). The criteria for selection include individuals who regularly base their food choices on political, ethical or environmental considerations, as well as ensuring diversity in terms of age, gender and socio-economic backgrounds. Recruitment strategies included outreach through online forums and social media groups focused on political food consumption, with a specific focus on Instagram, which has become a key platform for promoting political and ethical consumer behaviours (Orea-Giner and Fusté-Forné, 2023). Social media has become an increasingly popular tool for recruitment because it offers a fast and cost-effective way to reach a diverse, hard-to-reach, large and geographically diverse audience (Topolovec-Vranic and Natarajan, 2016). Instagram is well suited to this research because of its visual nature and its role in building communities centred around shared values, such as political and ethical food consumption (Orea-Giner and Fusté-Forné, 2023). The platform allows users to share their consumption habits, ethical beliefs and political actions, making it an ideal space to identify individuals actively engaged in food activism, ethical consumption, veganism and vegetarianism (Feldman, 2021; Orea-Giner, 2025).

However, we acknowledge the potential biases and limitations associated with using social media for recruitment. For instance, recruitment through Instagram may skew the sample toward younger, more technologically proficient individuals who are active on the platform, potentially overlooking those who do not engage with social media. Additionally, snowball sampling, a method where existing participants recommend others who meet the study criteria, was used. This approach is particularly useful for reaching niche or hard-to-reach populations, as it leverages participants’ social networks to expand recruitment (Parker et al., 2019).

A total of 260 individuals from 21 countries were contacted between September 2023 and 2024. Initial outreach was conducted in the language reflected in each person’s public profile (e.g. Spanish, English or French) to ensure clear communication and improve response rates. Contact was primarily established through social media platforms, where potential participants had previously shared content related to ethical consumption, plant-based diets or sustainability, particularly in connection with travel. This provided an initial indication that the individual had both an interest in food-related consumer practices and had engaged in tourism. Eligibility was assessed through a brief pre-screening exchange before scheduling interviews. This informal exchange clarified the purpose of the study and outlined the participation criteria. The criteria included: having engaged in tourism within the past 12 months and having consciously engaged in food-related consumer practices during travel – specifically, making purchase or boycott decisions based on ethical, environmental or political considerations. This exchange functioned as a screening process. Individuals were considered eligible if they confirmed both recent travel and the application of ethical food consumer practices while travelling. Those who met the criteria were asked to complete an informed consent form, which also collected their email addresses for interview scheduling.

Out of the 260 individuals contacted, 34 met the eligibility criteria and agreed to participate. The final sample included participants from nine countries, with a predominance from Spain. This distribution reflects two factors: firstly, some of the researchers’ existing online visibility in Spanish-language contexts likely increased participation from Spain; secondly, Spain has witnessed a marked rise in ethical and plant-based food consumption, with a 61% increase in plant-based diets between 2017 and 2021 (Unión Vegetariana Española, 2022). Sample size was determined through an iterative process of analysis, with interviews conducted and coded concurrently. Data collection ceased once thematic saturation was reached – when no new themes or insights were emerging from subsequent interviews (Hennink and Kaiser, 2022). Interviews were conducted using the Teams platform and lasted between 30 and 40 min (see Table 1 for the profile of interviewees).

Data processing entailed the examination and organisation of the content obtained from the interviews’ transcriptions. Most of the participants responded to the interview questions in the Spanish and French languages, whilst the remaining individuals supplied their answers in the English language. To mitigate the risk of losing important implications, the information was first analysed in the language of the original interview and then back-translated into English. The data analysis for this study used a grounded theory approach, which was particularly suited for exploring the complex phenomenon of political food consumption through the lens of subjective experiences and meanings. Grounded theory (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Strauss and Corbin, 1998; Stumpf et al., 2016) is an inductive method of qualitative analysis that aims to generate theory from the data itself rather than testing existing theories (Charmaz, 2017).

The analysis involved several steps. Firstly, the data was reviewed thoroughly by reading through the transcriptions of the semi-structured interviews multiple times. This initial phase was aimed at gaining a general sense of the content and immersing in the participants’ narratives. During this phase, notes were made on emerging patterns, recurring topics and notable quotes. Open coding was then conducted, where the data was broken down into discrete parts, and initial codes were assigned to these parts. Each segment of data was examined line-by-line with codes applied to describe the content. These first codes helped reflect the main idea of what was being discussed. Subsequently, the initial codes were examined for patterns and grouped into categories. This categorisation process involved sorting and comparing codes to identify broader themes that reflected common aspects of the participants’ experiences. Axial coding involved the process of reassembling data that had been fractured during open coding. This step was focused on connecting categories and subcategories to explore their relationships and interactions. This stage helped in clarifying how different aspects of the data intersect and contribute to a deeper understanding of the overall phenomenon. Selective coding, the final stage of the grounded theory analysis, concentrated on integrating and synthesising the categories into a coherent theoretical framework. During this phase, core categories were identified, representing the central theme of the data.

Throughout the process, the concept of theoretical saturation was applied. This means continuing data collection and analysis until no new information or insights are emerging from the data. Theoretical saturation ensures that the categories and theory are well-developed and robust (Stumpf et al., 2016). In practice, this involves continually comparing data, codes and categories until the researcher is confident that the data adequately represents the phenomenon under study. Lastly, the emerging theory is validated through member checking and peer review. Member checking involves returning to some participants with preliminary findings to ensure that the interpretations accurately reflect their views and experiences. Peer review involves discussing the findings and theoretical framework with other researchers to ensure credibility and rigour. The feedback received during these processes was used to further refine the theoretical model.

The analysis of the interview data revealed four primary themes, which are depicted in Figure 2.

While political food consumerism is embedded in many participants’ everyday routines, tourism experiences introduce distinct constraints and opportunities that reshape how these commitments are enacted and communicated. When travelling, tourists often face unfamiliar local supply chains, fewer clearly ethical options and less control over how food is sourced. These challenges usually lead them to change how they engage with food (Seyfi et al., 2024). Rather than continuing their practices unchanged, participants described becoming more deliberate in how they expressed their values – particularly through digital platforms. A notable shift during travel involved increased use of social media, not only for information-sharing but also as a form of visible advocacy. Platforms such as Instagram and TikTok were used to elevate political messages, raise awareness and document ethical consumption practices in unfamiliar or unsupportive settings. Digital tools enabled participants to respond to the uncertainties of tourism environments by reframing food choices as public statements and provided a means to maintain ethical coherence and influence others. As P14 explained, tourism presented both a challenge and an opportunity to raise awareness, particularly in settings where ethical consumption was not widely recognised or supported:

Similarly, P34 emphasised the value of sharing practical advice during travel:

P32 explicitly frames their digital presence as a tool for political engagement, especially during travel:

While many participants mentioned their political food choices were based on everyday values, being in a tourism setting brought new situations that led them to change their habits and rethink some of their ethical views. Participants had to deal with new food systems, interpret local norms and respond to commercial environments that did not always align with their values. These moments of negotiation were shaped by the fluid and transient nature of tourism, where time constraints, limited information and cultural distance complicated ethical decision-making. Rather than abandoning their commitments, participants described adapting them – often framing food choices as deliberate political acts. This reflects a mobile form of lifestyle politics that is enacted through continuous evaluation within changing travel contexts. As DaSilva et al. (2020) and Novo Vazquez and Garcia-Espejo (2021) argue, lifestyle politics extends into public and mobile spaces, including tourism, where consumer actions become part of ethical self-positioning. Participants saw their food choices not as passive or incidental but as intentional efforts to maintain political coherence while moving through varied tourism experiences. For example, P9 noted:

P15 also reflects on how lifestyle choice becomes a form of resistance, especially when placed in contrast to dominant norms in travel environments:

Participants also described travel as a site where consumer power is exercised intentionally through boycotts and selective spending. P17 emphasised:

Critiques of standardised food systems also took on heightened meaning during travel. P9 stated:

Lastly, participants often sought out establishments that aligned with their ethical values, even when this required effort. P21 noted:

Political food consumerism in tourism is responsive to context. For many participants, travel interrupted their usual ethical habits, leading them to reflect, make changes or even rethink what they were committed to. Pre-existing values – such as veganism, environmental concerns or labour ethics – did not vanish during tourism experiences but were placed under pressure by unfamiliar food systems, differing cultural expectations and the nature of tourism spaces. Rather than compromising, participants often re-evaluated and expanded their ethical positions. Tourism, in this sense, served as a context for ethical growth. For P18, what began as a concern for animal welfare evolved into broader environmental awareness, shaped directly by being a tourist.

P28 elaborates on how travel environments leads people to become more thoughtful and deliberate about what they consume:

Participants also discussed how their food choices during travel had broader implications – not only for themselves, but for tourism and hospitality. P24 describes the importance of consumer demand in shaping restaurant offerings:

Beyond dietary or environmental concerns, travel also expanded participants’ attention to labour rights and local economies. P13 noted:

These findings show that tourism creates a changing setting where people face conflicts, encounter new ethical questions and are encouraged to think more deeply. The data supports earlier research on the evolution of political consumerism (Stolle et al., 2005) but extends it by demonstrating how tourism experiences serve to broaden rather than merely replicate existing commitments. Participants actively rework their ethical positions in response to new encounters, constraints and opportunities. This process strengthens the link between tourism and lifestyle movements such as veganism and slow living while also contributing to debates on how ethical consumption influences broader industry practices. Tourism is not only as a site of ethical expression but also a space for ethical transformation (Seyfi et al., 2024).

In the context of tourism experiences, the commitment to ethical and political food practices is less stable due to the unpredictability and fluidity of travel settings, creating a tension between intention and action. Ethical stances do not disappear but are continuously recalibrated in response to practical constraints. Political food consumerism during travel is therefore shaped by both ideological commitment and the situational pressures embedded in the tourism experience. P8, for example, shared how reliance on supermarkets became a solution when ethical food options were unavailable:

P33 described how menu standardisation in tourism hospitality creates a sense of exclusion:

To counter these limitations, participants often relied on proactive planning. P32 described how information-seeking became integral to the travel experience:

These findings build on prior research (Bertella, 2020a; Halkier, 2016; Seyfi et al., 2024), which highlight the situated, adaptive strategies tourists use to uphold their values. The challenges described by participants are shaped by the structure of tourism itself: compressed timeframes, unfamiliar supply chains and standardised offerings that prioritise convenience over ethics. Moreover, the role of supermarkets, apps and digital reviews points to the importance of infrastructure in enabling or constraining ethical consumption while travelling. These tools offer tourists a way to maintain political food practices, even in difficult contexts, and aligns with findings by Rahman et al. (2018) on the role of information access in sustainable tourism decision-making.

For many participants, adhering to their ethical eating commitments while travelling is not only a moral practice but also a source of emotional reward. The act of maintaining one’s values in unfamiliar and often challenging environments was framed as a form of personal achievement. The emotional impact of this commitment – especially when confronted with logistical and cultural obstacles – was repeatedly described in terms of empowerment, validation and fulfilment. P32 reflected on this:

Social media also played a role in reinforcing the sense of empowerment. For participants like P34, the tourism context presented an opportunity to turn personal practices into public advocacy:

While many participants described empowerment and fulfilment through ethical food practices, they also recounted experiences of frustration, exclusion and social stigma – particularly in tourism contexts where their values were not widely understood or supported. Travel often intensified these challenges: unfamiliar social settings, lack of control over food environments and differing cultural norms can make ethical eaters more visible and, sometimes, more vulnerable. Participants reported that the act of maintaining a plant-based or ethically motivated diet during travel often subjected them to stereotyping or dismissive reactions. This was made more personally difficult in tourism contexts, where participants lacked established support networks and had limited opportunity to explain their values. P24 described a common form of stereotyping, which was experienced more frequently when travelling:

P32 elaborated on the emotional burden of this ongoing negotiation:

Participants reported feeling isolated or misunderstood, particularly when their dietary decisions were seen as a rejection of the destination’s cultural norms. P29 described this sense of marginalisation:

Travel often placed participants in settings where they had less agency and support. Unlike in their home environments – where routines, relationships and food systems can enable their choices – participants encountered resistance or lack of understanding from locals and other tourists. The emotional labour of maintaining one’s values in unfamiliar contexts became a recurring theme. These findings reinforce the dual nature of political food consumption in tourism. On one hand, participants experience empowerment through alignment with their values on the other, they face the social cost of standing out in unfamiliar or unsupportive environments (Seyfi et al., 2024). The tourism setting itself exacerbates these tensions, as tourists move through cultural spaces where norms around food, hospitality and social behaviour may differ from their own.

This study offers several key theoretical contributions by addressing the lack of attention to political food consumerism in tourism and hospitality research (Seyfi and Hall, 2020). Firstly, while the lifestyle politics theory has been applied to consumer behaviour (Boström et al., 2019; Stolle and Micheletti, 2013), it has not yet been explored in the context of food consumption during travel. Previous research has mostly focused on everyday eating at home (Dobernig and Stagl, 2015; Halkier and Holm, 2008) or on ethical consumer movements like Fair Trade and organic food. Yet, because food plays a central role in tourist experiences, applying the lifestyle politics theory here opens up new ways to understand the ethical and political aspects of tourism and hospitality. This study frames political food consumption in tourism as a context-dependent and relational form of lifestyle politics. It shows how ethical choices around food are shaped by the physical, cultural and technological conditions of travel, and how these choices can express political and ethical agency. Eating ethically while travelling is not just a personal habit – it can be a form of action shaped by what the tourism setting allows or limits. This supports Wahlen and Laamanen’s (2015) view that lifestyle politics responds to specific challenges, and it highlights how values influence travel behaviour. By applying the lifestyle politics theory to tourism, the study adds to our understanding of consumer activism and shows that food choices, even during short trips in new places, can support sustainability and question mainstream food systems.

Secondly, most research on political consumerism has focused on incentives and market behaviour (Halkier, 2016; Stolle and Micheletti, 2013), while the emotional experiences of political food consumers remain largely overlooked – especially in tourism and hospitality, where emotions and social interactions are often more intense. This study shows that trying to maintain ethical food choices while travelling can be empowering and satisfying but also brings challenges. Tourists may face social pressure, awkwardness or even stigma, which can shape how they act and how they experience the trip overall. These findings highlight how emotions both shape and are shaped by ethical food choices during travel. This adds an emotional dimension to the political consumerism theory and supports calls to move beyond rationalist views of consumer behaviour (Nawijn and Biran, 2019). Exploring these emotional aspects offers new insights into how people live out their values through food while travelling and how such choices are influenced by the social and emotional environment of tourism.

Thirdly, while political food consumerism has been widely studied in everyday life, its role within tourism and hospitality remains underexplored. Most existing research focuses on broader patterns of consumer sustainability, with limited attention to how tourists’ ethical food choices might influence business practices on the ground. This study begins to fill that gap by examining how these choices operate at a micro level – shaping demand for sustainable and locally sourced food, and encouraging businesses to respond accordingly. By applying the lifestyle politics theory, the research shows how tourists can use their purchasing power not only as consumers but as value-driven actors who actively shape the foodscape of destinations. These actions – such as choosing plant-based menus, prioritising ethical sourcing or favouring local producers – can contribute to subtle but meaningful shifts in business behaviour. This extends political food consumerism into the tourism context and links it more clearly with sustainable tourism scholarship, highlighting how individual consumption decisions may collectively support environmental, ethical and community-based goals within tourism economies.

This study offers several takeaways for tourism and hospitality providers aiming to support ethically and politically conscious travellers. Firstly, expanding ethical food options – such as local, plant-based, vegan, vegetarian and gluten-free meals – can help meet demand without requiring a complete overhaul of existing menus. Clearly labelling ingredients and highlighting the use of organic or locally sourced produce may not only align with customer values but also support local economies and reduce environmental impact. Yet, ethical alignment should extend beyond menu design. Food providers need to think holistically about the service environment. This includes sourcing practices, staff training and communication strategies. For example, training staff to be sensitive to diverse dietary choices and reducing stigma for those who eat differently can improve the experience for ethically motivated guests. Moreover, social media plays a key role in connecting with this group. Promoting sustainable menus, ethical sourcing and customer feedback – especially on platforms like Instagram – can attract a values-driven audience. Visual storytelling around these topics helps reinforce a business’s ethical identity and invites deeper engagement. Lastly, at a broader level, policymakers and tourism bodies can contribute by strengthening sustainability and ethics certification schemes. These should go beyond environmental indicators to include fair labour standards and transparency in food sourcing. Publicising this information helps tourists make informed decisions and encourages industry-wide commitment to ethical and sustainable food systems.

While this study offers useful insights, several limitations should be noted. Firstly, the sample reflects a particular group of political food consumers and may not represent the wider population. This limits how far the findings can be applied elsewhere. Future studies should involve larger and more diverse groups from different regions and cultural settings to enhance generalisability. Secondly, the study is based mainly on interview data. While this provides in-depth perspectives, it may not reflect the full range of behaviours and attitudes. Future research could use surveys or mixed methods to help validate and expand on these findings. Thirdly, the focus was mainly on dietary choices and psychological experiences, without directly examining how factors such as socioeconomic status, gender or ethnicity influence political food practices. These dimensions could shape how people engage with food ethics while travelling and deserve further attention. Fourthly, although fairness and labour concerns emerged in interviews, these themes were not included in the interview design. Future work could directly explore how political food consumption connects with wider questions of social justice, such as labour rights, food equity and local community impacts. Lastly, this study did not consider how travel companions influence food choices. Future studies could explore how social dynamics – such as compromise, conflict or support – affect individuals’ ability to maintain ethical commitments while travelling.

Declaration of competing interest: The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.