Fifty shades of Braille: motivations, challenges and cultural significance in visual impairment Free

In the landscape of retail accessibility, catering to the diverse needs of individuals with disabilities is essential for promoting inclusivity. Notably, social inclusion for those with visual impairments is a pressing concern. In 2017, the USA had around 7 million people with visual impairments, including 1 million affected by blindness (CDCP, 2022). Braille, a tactile writing and reading system, is a potential tool for accessing information, goods and services. Although approximately 10% of individuals with visual impairments are believed to use Braille, the accuracy of this statistic is occasionally questioned due to the lack of robust studies confirming it (Sheffield et al., 2022).

The literature on visual impairment extensively discusses the functions and significance of Braille. Braille appears as “a tool that [allows] to tactually and orthographically map words in the same way that typical readers do using vision” (Lane-Karnas, 2023, p. 503). It acts as both a coping mechanism and a valuable means for developing literacy skills (Lang et al., 2021), prompting some scholars to advocate for early and intensive Braille education (e.g. Kana and Golga, 2023; Lang et al., 2021). In addition, Braille improves employability and grant access to diverse knowledge domains (Tobin and Hill, 2015). However, beyond its practicality, Braille is also inherently embodied and constitutes “a highly specific and active tactile process, in which fingers, arms, and even elbows are involved” (Argyropoulos and Papadimitriou, 2015, p. 108). Furthermore, Braille significantly contributes to the identity development of individuals with visual impairments, influencing their self-esteem, independence and feelings of competence (Schroeder, 1996). Thus, Braille holds multifaceted importance, encompassing utilitarian functions alongside deeper symbolic and emotional significance.

Since the 1990s, marketing studies, including those in the Journal of Consumer Marketing, have delved into the experiences of consumers with visual impairments (e.g. Baker et al., 2002; Falchetti et al., 2016; Kaufman-Scarborough, 2001). These studies explore various aspects such as the effects of visual impairment on individuals’ sense of normalcy, coping strategies and the role of regulatory frameworks in fostering their inclusion. In this context, Braille emerges as a pertinent subject for investigation among scholars in marketing and consumer culture. It falls within the array of tools designed to facilitate access to consumer society, products, services and commercial environments, potentially shaping the decisions and lived experiences of individuals with visual impairments. The absence of Braille transcriptions is consequently regarded as detrimental to consumers. Focusing on the context of food choice and meal preparation, Kostyra et al. (2017, p. 20) noted that “[t]he majority of the visually impaired would welcome the inclusion of the product name, price and expiry date in Braille.” For her part, Kaufman-Scarborough (1998, p. 97) asserts that “[a] Braille menu, product list, or store layout is a relatively inexpensive method for retailers of all sizes to provide equal access to vision-impaired consumers.” However, despite these observations, Braille is only sporadically mentioned in marketing literature, often to underscore the absence of Braille transcriptions, as exemplified by the lack of Braille menus in restaurants.

Through this qualitative research, we aim to understand the motivations expressed by individuals for using Braille, as well as the obstacles that seem to hinder its use. Our goal is to shed light on the meanings that consumers attribute to Braille beyond its strictly practical purpose. To achieve this, we draw upon a set of 16 semistructured interviews conducted with individuals with blindness.

Our findings bring forth various motivations and obstacles to the use of Braille. The contribution of this research lies in demonstrating how Braille serves as both a coping mechanism for practical goals and a means of boosting self-esteem by managing stigma. In addition, it is observed that the experience of using Braille is deeply embodied, with individuals often deriving unexpected pleasure. Finally, the study underscores the multifaceted nature of Braille, showing how it can challenge prevailing ableism without glorifying visual impairment or promoting communalism.

The paper is structured as follows. Section 2 provides a literature review focused on the concepts of coping as well as disability culture and ableism, essential notions for understanding the dynamics at play in the relationship individuals have with Braille. Section 3 describes the methodological framework used in this research. Section 4 then presents the results of our data analysis. Finally, Section 5 elaborates on the theoretical contributions of our research, formulates managerial recommendations aimed at enlightening marketplace actors and concludes by outlining the research avenues our work opens.

In this first section, we present our conceptual framework, which revolves around the notions of coping as well as disability culture and ableism.

The concept of coping, as defined by Lazarus and Folkman (1984, p. 141), involves “constantly changing cognitive and behavioral efforts to manage specific external and internal demands that are appraised as taxing or exceeding the resources of the person.” Coping serves as a mechanism for individuals to address anxiety resulting from uncertainty and paradoxes in their environment (Mick and Fournier, 1998). This uncertainty undermines perceived control, a significant driver of human behavior (Zusne and Jones, 1989). Coping requires individuals to assess their resources when faced with challenges (Hibbert and Piacentini, 2003). In response to stress, individuals may directly confront the source or implement coping strategies to navigate the problem (Duhachek, 2005). Coping can also involve emotion-focused strategies, managing emotional responses to stress without resolving the underlying issue (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984).

In addition to its psychological underpinnings, the concept of coping is rooted in sociological thought, where it is viewed as a response to social pressures and stigma. According to Goffman (1963), stigma emerges when there is a disjunction between an individual’s actual social identity (their lived experience) and their virtual social identity (the societal expectation). Stigmatizing differences, as outlined by Goffman, can manifest in physical attributes, character traits or group identity. In consumer contexts, manufacturers, media and marketers play a role in perpetuating or mitigating stigma through their products and practices. Stigma often arises from a marketplace that disregards or marginalizes individuals’ needs and desires (Mirabito et al., 2016). Adkins and Ozanne (2005) suggested that coping strategies and stigma management techniques used by low-literacy consumers significantly impact their success in the marketplace. Market interactions can undermine their self-esteem, prompting them to use coping mechanisms such as memorizing brand names or relying heavily on visual information.

Existing research distinguishes between different levels of individuals’ engagement with their stigma and the coping strategies they use. Hill and Sharma (2020) categorized coping strategies into nondefensive approaches, where individuals tend to accept their condition, and defensive strategies, where they resist and confront their vulnerabilities. In some contexts, consumption can thus serve as “an arena in which control can be exercised” (Pavia and Mason, 2004, p. 453).

Some consumer behavior studies focusing on disability use the coping framework. For example, Falchetti et al. (2016) identified various adaptation strategies used by consumers with visual impairments to address challenges, such as selecting consumption venues tailored to their needs and seeking assistance from others. Beudaert et al. (2017) observed that consumers with hearing sensitivity disorders use three primary coping strategies to manage sensory overstimulation in service environments: selecting physical servicescapes based on perceived harm, using electronic devices and e-servicescapes and delegating shopping to relatives. Furthermore, Balabanis et al. (2012) noted that individuals may choose various coping strategies, including avoiding shopping, shopping with somebody else, doing it personally, sometimes alone and sometimes with others. In all cases, the various actions undertaken by individuals can be subject to prior reflection, i.e. before the occurrence of an adverse incident for consumers, or may only be considered following such an incident. Echeverri and Salomonson (2019) referred to these as “proactive” and “reactive” coping strategies, depending on whether they are preventive or aimed at managing an incident that has already occurred.

According to Machin et al. (2019), it is imperative to explore how individuals actively pursue their coping objectives, rather than simply observing passive responses to stressful situations. These authors also emphasize that effective coping strategies can enhance or restore self-esteem, personal efficacy and self-compassion. These findings align with the perspective that portrays coping as an “active” process undertaken by individuals. LeBel (2008) suggested that coping strategies can function as a type of “social activism,” akin to a “coming out” of stigmatized individuals to challenge societal perceptions and treatment of the group. This perspective resonates with the concept of coping as a form of “resistance” among individuals with disabilities, aiming to confront the oppression they encounter.

As our findings will reveal, Braille often serves as a coping mechanism for individuals to surmount challenges. However, it is important to approach this study context through a cultural lens, considering Braille as a cultural heritage and exploring the implications of ableism in the study of disability. Therefore, Section 2.2 delves into disability from a cultural perspective, a key focus in some literature in disability studies and marketing.

Some disability theories propose the concept of disability culture, which posits a shared identity and common interests among individuals with disabilities, setting them apart from those without disabilities (Barnes and Mercer, 2010). Forber-Pratt (2019) described disability culture as characterized by empowerment and guided by principles of independence (the ability to fulfill one’s own needs), social justice (advocating for fair access to opportunities) and reciprocity (assisting others within the disability community).

The concept of disability culture is prominently exemplified in the case of “Deaf culture” [¹], where individuals with hearing impairments form a community sharing a sign language, history, traditions, experiences and values (Ladd, 2003). Deaf culture arises from the distinct worldview of Deaf individuals and their reliance on sign language. Within this community, there is resistance to efforts aimed at correcting hearing impairment. As Sparrow (2010) described, individuals oppose prenatal genetic testing for deafness and the use of cochlear implants (i.e. electronic devices designed to restore auditory acuity), which are viewed as assimilationist or even eugenic measures that threaten the preservation of Deaf culture. Sparrow (2010) termed this phenomenon “ethnocide,” denoting the eradication of individuals’ culture.

The concept of disability culture broadly encompasses expressions of pride aimed at celebrating disability and reclaiming an identity historically perceived as wholly negative (Andrews and Forber-Pratt, 2022). According to Brown (2002), it entails “devictimizing” individuals with disabilities and recognizing them as agents of change. This activist stance is particularly significant in a societal context where constructions of normality and abnormality heavily influence perceptions and treatment of disability (Davis, 1995). Viewing life with disability as a unique and valuable way of existence offers an alternative perspective on life and society, prompting individuals without impairments not to take their way of life for granted (Brown, 2002). This perspective is echoed through the “crip” lens, which advocates for considering disability as a potential life path and an alternative to the dominant ableist viewpoint (Baril, 2017; Kafer, 2013). Nonetheless, the crip perspective is not without its critics and lacks consensus, especially as it may lead to the formation of “a monolithic disabled identity that ignores the nuances of lived disabled experience” (Bone, 2017, p. 1307). This understanding of disability may overlook issues such as poverty, lack of healthcare, social isolation, and other intersecting aspects associated with disability. Jenks (2019) similarly suggests that it is challenging, if not illusory, to conceive of a coherent and unified disability identity.

Examining disability’s cultural facets requires a specific focus on ableism, defined by Chouinard (1997, p. 380) as “ideas, practices, institutions and social relations that presume ablebodiedness, and by doing so construct persons with impairments as marginalised, oppressed and largely invisible ‘others’.” Recent studies in marketing and consumer research on disability center on its representations, rhetoric, and narrative approaches. Higgins (2020) underscores marketing’s concern with addressing ableism in consumer society. Scholars increasingly acknowledge that this extends beyond analyzing market access barriers, encompassing problematic portrayals of disability due to neglect of disability norms (Beudaert et al., 2023), often characterized by a rhetoric of pity and charity (e.g. Haller’s, 2010 work about the Telethon).

Kearney et al. (2019) investigated the relationship between (mis)representation and discourses on inclusion/exclusion by examining how individuals with disabilities were portrayed in the Rio 2016 Paralympic Games campaign. Södergren et al. (2023) pointed out the dual impact of disability inclusion in advertising, which may combat stigma but also perpetuate exclusion through “capitalized ableism.” Foster and Pettinicchio (2022) investigated diversity in fashion imagery, questioning whether such representations challenge or reinforce negative stereotypes. These studies collectively emphasize the critical role of disability representation and associated narrative complexities. Södergren and Vallström (2023) suggested that empowering individuals with disabilities involves their participation in humble consumption processes (e.g. enjoying a bourbon and relaxing), while avoiding overly idealized depictions.

Through this conceptual framework, we have uncovered how disability not only entails coping challenges but also intersects with cultural aspects, echoing the dominant ableist perspective and what some view as exaggerated portrayals of disability. Next, we will outline the methodological approach used in this research.

To address our research question, our focus was on Braille and its usage. Our objective was to comprehend the motivations behind individuals’ use of Braille, as well as the obstacles that impede its utilization.

For this qualitative study, we conducted 16 semistructured interviews in France with individuals who are legally blind. Informants were recruited from a Facebook group for people with visual impairments, and snowball sampling was also used. Data collection concluded upon reaching saturation, where additional interviews ceased to yield new insights. Participants, aged 28–71 (Table 1), represented diverse backgrounds, including congenital or acquired blindness, variations in gender and occupational activities. While all participants expressed an interest in Braille, we deliberately selected individuals with presumed differences in their levels of expertise, ranging from basic skills to advanced usage.

We commenced the interviews by posing “grand tour” questions to the informants (McCracken, 1988) with the aim of initiating dialogue. Informants were briefed on the overarching theme of the investigation, which focused on understanding their daily experiences as individuals with blindness and their relationship with Braille, without specifying the themes addressed during data collection. Throughout the interviews, we encouraged individuals to provide detailed accounts of their lived experiences, following the principles of existential phenomenology as applied to consumer research (Thompson et al., 1989). Probes were used as necessary to delve deeper into certain points.  Appendix provides a summary of the topics covered during the interviews.

We met informants at their homes when possible or through video conferencing otherwise. The interviews, averaging 62 min in duration, were recorded with the informants’ consent and transcribed in full. Pseudonyms were assigned to informants to preserve their anonymity, and we analyzed the data using a hermeneutic approach. In this regard, we undertook an intratext and intertext reading (Thompson, 1997) of our data. Iterations between each interview and the entirety of the data allowed us to attribute meaning to the data, shedding light on the role of Braille in individuals’ daily lives. We conducted manual coding by initially assigning descriptive codes to informants’ statements, which stayed close to the selected units of analysis. We then moved toward abstraction by grouping these codes into broader conceptual categories. The results of our analysis are presented in the following section.

In this section, we present the findings of our data analysis. It unveils, on one hand, diverse motivations for using Braille and, on the other hand, various obstacles that impede its utilization.

Braille emerges as a coping tool serving functional goals and challenging stigma, an embodied experience providing pleasure and a cultural heritage embodying a culture of visual impairment. These motivations for using Braille are detailed below.

First, our analysis reveals the use of Braille as a coping tool to overcome challenges brought about by blindness, as illustrated by Arsène’s case:

In this context, we first observe a psychological approach to coping, which combines problem- and emotion-focused strategies (Duhachek, 2005). For Arsène, Braille serves to address practical barriers (problem-focused coping) while also alleviating “feelings of shame and guilt related to reading challenges caused by blindness” (emotion-focused coping). Samantha similarly considers Braille as a practical tool for achieving functional objectives:

Samantha expresses that she does not “worship the written word,” yet she uses Braille as a means to access information and navigate her surroundings. This discovery resonates with existing literature on visual impairment. Lang et al. (2021) indicated that auditory access compensates for nearly every Braille reader – with the exception of those who intentionally refrain from using audio due to ideological reasons, as we will elaborate on shortly. They underscore that reading and listening are distinct modes of access that cannot replace each other interchangeably. Régis, for his part, also emphasizes the practicality of Braille:

Régis explicitly mentions that he does not resort to Braille out of pride and/or activism, unlike some informants whose statements will be examined below. However, he also acknowledges that “mastering Braille is good for self-confidence. It helps avoid discrimination and demonstrate proficiency.” Roger similarly considers Braille as something that “is learned through hard work, even as a blind person from birth [and that] helps erase stigma, exclusion […] [It’s] good for feeling comfortable, confident.” Beyond viewing Braille solely as a problem-solving tool for achieving concrete goals, it also emerges as a means to enhance or restore self-esteem (Machin et al., 2019). The benefits attributed to Braille by the informants in terms of enhancing self-esteem serve as an incentive to improve their proficiency, regardless of whether they were born blind or experienced blindness later in life.

The pleasurable embodied experience of using Braille serves as a motivation for its usage as well. Adélaïde illustrates the sensory experience linked with Braille usage in the following manner:

Listening to an audiobook and using Braille involve different spatial relationships. Auditory stimuli are perceptible from a distance and do not require physical proximity from the individual. An audiobook can indeed be listened to from several tens of meters, away from the sound source. In contrast, touch inherently involves direct contact. As emphasized by Fielder and Proulx (2019, p. 21), individuals with visual impairment often have “enhanced tactile perception due to their increased experience and reliance on tactile information to see the world.” Roger also narrates his experience:

Braille allows Roger “to appreciate perceptible nuances through the fingers.” This appreciation does not necessarily imply a specific commitment to the cause of Braille; Roger emphasizes the uniqueness of this sensory experience and its apolitical nature. More broadly, these embodied aspects offer intriguing insights, reflecting the promising focus on embodied sensations experienced by individuals with disabilities (e.g. Beudaert, 2020). Studying museum visits by visually impaired individuals, vom Lehn (2010) observed that these visits provided enjoyable, rich and shared experiences with sighted companions. However, it is worth noting that the sensory pleasure associated with Braille is not initially sought by the informants. It tends to emerge along the way and appears, according to Roger, as an “accidental benefit provided by Braille.” Adelaide elaborates on this concept, suggesting that “Braille is all about coping with the world around us […] but then, unexpectedly, we stumble upon these pleasant sensations and, well, we kind of get hooked on it.”

Individual trajectories lead to diverse approaches to understanding Braille. There exists a nuanced haptic knowledge, far from uniform, that appears to influence the experience of using Braille. This is elucidated by Joséphine, who works as an osteopath: “[Through my job] I’ve gotten pretty darn good with Braille – like, down to the millimeter precise! And that’s awesome! But in my interactions, I’ve seen folks who handle Braille a bit more roughly.”

Finally, for some participants, Braille emerges as a marker of a cultural identity shared by individuals with visual impairments, as Hervé explains:

This interpretation echoes the principles of “Deaf culture,” where deafness is not perceived as a disabling condition but rather as a fundamental aspect of identity. Identification with the Deaf community fosters a sense of belonging and enhances self-esteem. Similarly, some participants in our study consider Braille as a form of “social activism” to combat stigma, rather than solely relying on coping strategies based on avoidance and withdrawal (LeBel, 2008). Active engagement in an association thus appears crucial for the preservation of Braille. Otherwise, there is a risk of a complete disappearance of Braille and blind culture, which, according to Delaporte (2002, p. 70), could be likened to a form of “ethnic cleansing.” On her part, Joséphine also discusses her strong attachment to Braille:

While we might assume that Braille primarily permeates the daily lives of individuals with congenital blindness, some individuals learn Braille later in life, without necessarily being sensitized to it from early childhood. However, this does not prevent them from developing a profound attachment to Braille and considering it an integral part of their identity. Södergren and Vallström (2023) mentioned the existence of self-care practices and relational coping strategies, operating respectively at individual and collective levels. Braille, in a way, participates in these orientations, as it is used as a coping tool while also representing and embodying the “spirit” of blindness.

Blind since birth, Suzette goes even further by suggesting imagining a reversal of the established order, i.e. a consumer society in which Braille would be the norm: “Why is it always on the blind to figure out how to get by without difficulties? And what if, by law, everything in stores had to be in Braille? Maybe then we wouldn’t feel like we’re constantly the ones getting dominated.” Braille could theoretically appear as a disruptive perspective, allowing for a critical examination of the often-overlooked surrounding ableism, i.e. “the discrimination of and social prejudice against people with disabilities based on the belief that typical abilities are superior” (Södergren et al., 2023, p. 752). An ableist posture can result in experiences of misrepresentation, wherein idealized, exoticized or selective depictions of individuals with disabilities are conveyed. These depictions can worsen or even provoke feelings of inferiority, insecurity, stigmatization or social distance (Kearney et al., 2019). If she advocates for the cause of Braille, someone like Suzette nevertheless rejects any glorification of disability: “the idea is to be visible enough to exist…to form a group, but not to fall into a communalism where everyone thinks they are a living god.”

While we have previously examined the motivations expressed by our informants for using Braille, this usage can also be hindered by certain obstacles: the resources required for learning Braille, often incomplete transcriptions that limit its usefulness and the significant space that Braille transcriptions may need. We present these obstacles below.

The cultural and financial resources required for learning Braille appear to be an initial obstacle. Priscilla expresses her feeling of having been left to her own devices:

Priscilla regrets not having “hardly encountered any blind person before joining social networks, so around adolescence.” This lack of acculturation to Braille has led to her having only a basic understanding of it, resulting in difficulties when she attempts to use it: “I can decipher products in Braille in a hypermarket, but it takes ages […] so it's not really enjoyable.” Christophe also mentions the high costs associated with learning and using Braille:

Taking Braille lessons and purchasing the necessary equipment (e.g. Braille ruler for the computer) can be costly. These difficulties are compounded by the fact that Christophe is “unemployed, in a somewhat precarious situation, and in a rural area where there are few resources for the blind.” They also stem from the significant heterogeneity among individuals with disabilities, which remains largely overlooked both in academic research and in practice (Beudaert et al., 2023). More concretely, the deployment of Braille is challenged by the diverse realities of visual impairment. Some individuals advocate for Braille, others are supportive but not fervent, some are indifferent, whereas others oppose it. As Priscilla highlights, “it’s complicated because from school onwards, everyone is at loggerheads. Mainstream schools versus specialized schools for the visually impaired. With incentives to use either speech synthesis or Braille, rarely both, all mired in a set of paradoxical injunctions.”

The use of Braille can also be hindered by a process often considered incomplete, as explained by Iris:

According to her, while some retailers have made commendable efforts, the implementation of Braille labeling remains in its early stages. Some products feature Braille transcriptions, whereas others do not, leading to inconsistency and unpredictability. She finds the partial presence of Braille transcriptions as impractical or even disadvantageous, especially because she “opts for products [she manages] to decipher with Braille, even if they may be more expensive or not very good.” Joachim, on the contrary, criticizes the lack of precision in certain Braille transcriptions, arguing that it compromises their effectiveness:

He believes this example “is symptomatic of a society where, in businesses, those who can see think for the blind, sometimes without ever consulting them.” He applauds the initiative and finds the efforts encouraging, though he is frustrated by concise product descriptions. The sluggish development of Braille offerings and products may initially seem explainable by the low proportion of Braille users (around 10% of visually impaired individuals) and the decline of this population. However, this figure and the notion that Braille usage is declining are actually contested by Sheffield et al. (2022). The insufficient interest in Braille appears, rather, to be found in, as Iris suggests, “the fact that the blind remain a statistical and cultural minority, but also that being able to see remains the standard in the West,” which closely aligns with research highlighting the hegemony of sight in Western societies (e.g. Howes and Classen, 2014).

Finally, the last obstacle perceived by the informants is related to the space occupied by Braille transcriptions. Thomas points this out:

Given the need to represent each character with a combination of raised dots, documents transcribed in Braille can be much bulkier than their visual counterparts. Owning books transcribed in Braille indeed requires a lot of space, often leading individuals to turn to specialized libraries where borrowing is possible. However, it is not guaranteed that libraries themselves do not face storage issues, as Nadine suggests:

According to Nadine, borrowing can also be challenging unless one goes to very large libraries with a wide range of offerings. However, such facilities are generally located in major cities where visually impaired individuals may not necessarily reside, posing an inherently intersectional question: “Buying Braille books, sure, but I just don’t have the space for that. Borrowing from a small library, maybe […] except they don’t have what I want […] In a bigger library? Haha […] that’s mostly in Paris, and I’m in a smaller town […] And moving to be closer to a library and get a larger apartment? Well, it’s a hassle because everything is just too expensive when you’re impaired.”

The objective of this research was to understand the motivations and obstacles to the use of Braille as expressed by individuals with blindness. Through a qualitative approach, we sought to unveil the nuances and profound meanings associated with this tactile communication system.

In marketing literature, Braille is mentioned marginally. For example, offering Braille menus in a restaurant or Braille-labeled products in a store is reported as a means to increase marketplace accessibility (Baker et al., 2002; Falchetti et al., 2016), in line with the objectives set by legislative frameworks such as the Americans with Disabilities Act (e.g. Kaufman-Scarborough and Baker, 2005). However, despite its apparent benefits, Braille remains largely a “black box,” as the literature has not focused on its meanings for consumers.

Our contribution lies in demystifying this “black box.” Beyond the research context of Braille, our study offers more specific theoretical contributions. Our data analysis has indeed allowed us to identify three major motivations underlying the use of Braille. First, Braille functions as a coping tool, enabling individuals to access information, decipher their environment and make informed choices, aligning with previous findings in the literature. In this context, it is interesting to note that Braille is one among various possibilities for individuals, rather than an exclusive tool. For instance, if voice synthesis better aligns with a specific goal at a given moment, individuals tend to prioritize it, potentially combining different tools (e.g. Lang et al., 2021). However, in addition to pursuing purely functional objectives (e.g. being able to read product packaging), individuals also evaluate the role of Braille in their self-esteem. Just as Machin et al. (2019) showed how the marketplace assists consumers with mental disorders in coping by restoring or bolstering their self-esteem, we find that Braille serves a similar function, allowing individuals to demonstrate their competence and manage the stigma associated with visual impairment.

Second, our study revealed a haptic aesthetic associated with the use of Braille. For some individuals, the sensations provided by Braille contribute to a pleasant sensory experience, which had not been highlighted previously. This aspect is particularly relevant in a context where literature dedicated to consumers with disabilities often concentrates primarily on accessibility, overlooking the nuanced sensations of individuals (Beudaert, 2020). While accessibility is a crucial prerequisite, our findings emphasize that it alone is insufficient to guarantee a pleasant or memorable experience for individuals. Furthermore, they also grasp the proposition of “[gaining] new insights into consumers' embodied sensations” (Beudaert, 2020, p. 368), thereby contributing fresh insights to the literature. Unlike the museum experiences of visually impaired individuals studied by vom Lehn (2010), for example, Braille products and services are often primarily designed to offer accessibility to individuals, enabling them to read a book, decipher a product label and so forth. However, it is particularly interesting to note that consumers mention the pleasure they derive from touch, the granularity of Braille content, etc. Yet, the pleasure perceived by individuals often seems to occur serendipitously, “accidentally,” unexpectedly. The initial coping mechanism transforms into a sensorially enjoyable experience deliberately sought after, and the more individuals use Braille throughout their personal trajectories, the more they develop a mastery, a “sharpened” tactile knowledge.

Third, our findings shed light on identity issues associated with Braille, reminiscent of dynamics observed in the case of Deaf culture (Delaporte, 2002; Sparrow, 2010). The distinction, however, lies in the fact that Braille is typically regarded as a tool. Its users are not perceived as constituting a linguistic minority, unlike speakers of a sign language. Some individuals adopt an activist perspective, considering Braille as an essential part of their identity, and sometimes even propose envisioning it as potentially supplanting the prevailing ableist ideology. When it embodies a form of disability culture, Braille becomes the subject of politicization, an ideological struggle that may lead individuals to refuse – as a matter of principle – to resort to any other means of deciphering their environment (e.g. voice synthesis). These findings attest to the polysemic nature of Braille, surpassing its simple functional utility to encompass deep emotional and identity components. It seems unlikely to conceive of a “monolithic disabled identity” (Bone, 2017, p. 1307) and view disability in a coherent and unified manner (Jenks, 2019), risking the suppression of voices of individuals with disabilities. Put differently, our findings reveal that there is not “the” Braille but “Brailles,” with multiple nuances, just as there is not one usage but multiple uses of Braille. More broadly, in a context where ableism has become a subject of investigation for consumer researchers working on disability (e.g. Kearney et al., 2019; Södergren et al., 2023), it is essential to highlight that “strict and categorical” social activism is not self-evident. Informants appear to reject prevailing ableism, would like to see significant change in mainstream culture, wish for their voices to be heard and carry political weight, but seem to consider that excessive glorification of visual impairment and Braille could lead to undesirable “communalism.” Thus, Braille assumes a liminal position, seldom fully embodying either a purely utilitarian and instrumental function or, conversely, a culture of disability. Instead, it encompasses multiple realities and can be a bit of everything at once.

In parallel with the exploration of motivations, we identified three major obstacles to the use of Braille. First, learning Braille requires significant cultural and financial resources, raising crucial intersectional issues related to access to these resources. Second, the often incomplete efforts of retailers in Braille transcription limit its practical utility, calling for substantial improvements. Finally, the spatial obstacle, arising from the bulky nature of some Braille transcriptions, poses challenges for integration in confined spaces, highlighting the need for innovations in this area. These obstacles to learning and using Braille remain prominent in a context marked by the hegemony of vision (Howes and Classen, 2014). Our analysis also highlights the impact of cultural and socioeconomic factors (e.g. an unsupportive environment for Braille learning and limited resources), essential considerations in understanding the intersectional dynamics and diverse profiles of individuals in disability consumer studies (Beudaert et al., 2023).

Within the scope of our study, several managerial recommendations emerge to leverage motivations for Braille use and address obstacles to its utilization. Primarily, Braille encapsulates intersectional challenges, underscoring the need to enhance Braille education from an early age and ensure access to necessary resources and materials, which often come at a considerable cost. Furthermore, it is imperative to expand Braille usage in cultural sites, implementing initiatives like Braille booklets with tactile relief drawings in historical landmarks and museums. It is also pivotal to highlight that despite existing legal imperatives regarding accessibility, our study unveils persisting deficiencies in Braille labeling of consumer products. In addition, to transform Braille into a shared cultural practice and generate interest, it is essential to present it as more than just a tool for individuals with disabilities but rather as a full-fledged form of expression and communication. Raising public awareness of the sensory richness of Braille, emphasizing its aesthetic, tactile and linguistic dimensions, holds significance. This could involve organizing festivals, exhibitions of Braille artworks, artistic performances or discovery workshops tailored for sighted individuals. Fostering collaborations between sighted and visually impaired individuals in creating and promoting Braille-based projects can strengthen intercultural bonds and enhance mutual understanding. Finally, a participatory approach, involving individuals with disabilities through focus groups and reflection sessions, would be beneficial to ensure that implemented solutions effectively address the real needs of Braille users, among others. By embracing these measures, organizations can contribute to promoting inclusion and valuing Braille, thereby offering enriching experiences for all individuals.

Building on the insights uncovered in this study, forthcoming investigations might delve deeper into the intricate intersections of Braille, identity and activism within the visually impaired community. Moving beyond a strict focus on disability as exclusively related to accessibility opens up avenues for exploration in relatively uncharted territories. The exploration of aspects tied to a disability culture, whether concerning Braille or other impairments such as Deaf culture, deserves deeper investigation. Examining alternative depictions of disability and efforts to challenge stigma provides a fertile ground for study, with concrete implications for retailers. The effective collaboration of retailers with specific groups, avoiding offense and stereotypical portrayals (e.g. framing individuals with disabilities as superheroes), represents an intriguing area for examination. Furthermore, while existing research has concentrated on online commerce accessibility for those with visual impairments (e.g. Childers and Kaufman-Scarborough, 2009), exploring the convergence of Braille and digitalization is pertinent. Subsequent studies could indeed focus on the development of digital assistive technologies explicitly tailored for Braille and assess their efficacy across diverse contexts.

The author wishes to express warm thanks to the associate editor and the three anonymous reviewers for their kind and constructive comments.